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Utilitarianism in political decision making
Utilitarianism political ideology essay
Utilitarianism political ideology essay
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Political theorists build their ideas upon past theories. Jon Stuart Mill learned from Jeremy Bentham, the father of utilitarianism. Even though regarded highly revolutionary at the time, Mill derived his ideas from utilitarianism thinking. Milton Friedman, one of more prominent neo-liberalism thinkers, was no different. Friedman was largely inspired by Mill and other classical liberalism thinkers when he sought to develop the idea that would address the growth of New Deal policies. The language of Friedman differs from that of Mill because Friedman lived a century ahead of Mill; however, Friedman’s idea does not derive much from Mill’s in its basic principle.
Friedman and Mill’s idea do have some differences, although they are relatively minor. Differences came largely from Friedman adopting classical liberalism into the modern political and economic landscape. Just as socialists incorporated their utopian ideal of a classless society into their ideas, Friedman incorporated his utopian ideal of natural rights – that everyone is entitled to natural rights - to make his idea of a limited government more appealing to those disillusioned with Keynesian, New Deal policies. Since a government has no authority to regulate a nature, Friedman claims laws should protect, not interfere upon individual’s rights. Friedman’s reasoning differs from that of Mill, although both share in a principle of limited government. On his book On Liberty, Mill relies on a utilitarian logic to advance his argument for a limited government. Mill argues an individual with his self-interest in the matter can conduct a business better than a government which has no self-interest because an individual is likely to pay greater attention to a business than a g...
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Mill and Friedman, while a century apart, are remarkably similar in their principle. Both advocate for a limited government and a competition-based economy. Both believe competition should be fair and played by the rule interpreted and enforced by the government. They believe in the government’s power to control the monetary supply as well as the power to control some monopoly if the resource is essential. Finally, despite their skepticism against the paternalistic government, both voice their opinion that madmen and children should be governed in a paternalistic way by the government because they are not fully capable of making responsible decisions. Friedman, while adopting Mill’s policy to fit into the modern political and economic landscape, differ from Mill largely only in details and semantics; Friedman retain most of principles shaped by Mill a century ago.
He is was total opposite of Metternich. Mill’s “On liberty” essay was about the individual liberty. To Mill’s, the only important thing is the happiness of the individual, and such happiness may only be accomplished in an enlightened society, in which people are free to partake in their own interests. Thus, Mills stresses the important value of individuality, of personal development, both for the individual and society for future progress. For Mill, an educated person is the one who acts on what he or she understands and who does everything in his or her power to understand. Mill held this model out to all people, not just the specially gifted, and advocates individual initiative over social control. He emphasizes that things done by individuals are done better than those done by governments. Also, individual action advances the mental education of that individual, something that government action cannot ever do, and for government action always poses a threat to liberty and must be carefully
...here people abided by acceptable and fair practices in the market, these actions and oversight would not be necessary to ensure that we continue to live in a true democracy with political equality. Milton Friedman would have his pure market economy devoid of any government intervention while Lindblom’s concerns that the policy process will be endlessly trapped by arguments about the market would be eased. Democracy would truly mean political equality and allow all those that wished to participate to do so with all the information they require.
...y new ideas, presidents after him felt they had a lot to live up to. Franklin D. Roosevelt “cast a long shadow on successors” with his New Deal program. Conservatives were constantly worried about the loss of their capitalist economy, but it is possible that Roosevelt’s greatest New Deal achievement is the fact he never allowed America to completely abandon democracy or turn to socialism or communism. Many New Deal programs fixed economic problems but did not completely solve social ones surrounding equality and discrimination. New Deal programs took radical steps while moving toward government regulation and intervention causing conservatives to fear concentrated power, but the steps and transformations Roosevelt made while in office preserved conservatives’ need of capitalism and democracy in government, defining the New Deal as both radical and conservative.
Lawrence M. Friedman’s Law in America is a fascinating short write up of the history of the American legal system. In Friedman’s book Law in America, he explains three factors/periods that is the history of how our legal system was formed throughout time. The first factor was how the colonial period helped shape the American justice system and hoe they were developed through the legal views of early English settlers. However, our legal system was further molded by our view and experiences following our independence from England and the war. It seems that the laws had many religious beliefs.
Keynes’ work: The Means to Prosperity, and The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money created modern macroeconomics and influenced countries during the 1930s and 1940s towards interventionist policy and economic nationalism (Yergin, 1998.) His ideology and work led him to orchestrate the Bretton Woods conference in 1944 which, “contributed greatly to the golden age of controlled capitalism (where) even the most conservative political parties in Europe and the United States embraced some version of state interventionism” (Steger, 2003.) The Bretton Woods regime fell during the early 1970’s but Keynes economic ideology would not be abandoned until the adoption of Reagan’s Neoliberalism and the fall of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s (Steger, 2003.) Keynesian economic ideology was the predominating economic theory during Gilpin’s life and would contribute greatly to his claim of world economic nationalism.
...Mill does not implicitly trust or distrust man and therefore does not explicitly limit freedom, in fact he does define freedom in very liberal terms, however he does leave the potential for unlimited intervention into the personal freedoms of the individual by the state. This nullifies any freedoms or rights individuals are said to have because they subject to the whims and fancy of the state. All three beliefs regarding the nature of man and the purpose of the state are bound to their respective views regarding freedom, because one position perpetuates and demands a conclusion regarding another.
When the topic of American economics arises, the infamous Robber Barons of the 19th Century often springs to mind. They are often glorified as "Captains of Industry" for their money making strategies and enterprising methods. Those who hold this view probably do not know the evils of the laissez-faire capitalism in which the Robber Barons believed and participated. They wanted an unrestricted system of economics so that they could amass as much money as they could to out do each other and control the power in society. They were not as glorious and generous as some people make them out to have been.
John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty and John Locke’s The Second Treatise of Government are influential literary works while which outlining the theoretical framework of each thinkers optimal state propose two conflicting visions of the very essence of man and his freedom. Locke and Mill have completely different views when it comes to how much freedom man should have in political society because they have obtained different views about man’s potential of inheriting pure or evil behavior.
John Stuart Mills is wrong when it comes to his rejection of paternalism. Mills is taking a position that is in line with that of classical liberalism which in many ways is in opposition to paternalism. This ideology only acknowledges the individual and does not take in account the larger society. Many do not like to be told what is right when it deals with something that does not affect anyone but themselves. The issue with this is that individuals are part of something. They are part of a family, community, city and nation. The impact of those choices might be seen as insignificant and not have relevance outside of their own lives but it is a small picture view and forgets about the big picture. Mills is right that paternalism is taking away liberties but those liberties affect others in ways that a person might see. Society should act as a parent to its individuals because they could cause weakness or issues that go beyond the realm of one’s own household.
John Stuart Mill believes in a utilitarian society where people are seen as “things.” Moreover, in utilitarianism the focus of the goal is “forward-looking”, in looking at the consequences but not the ini...
A change in strategy leads to new perspective over certain matters. During FDR’s tenure many new reforms were adopted as part of the New Deal. Some o...
Mill, J. S., Bentham, J., & Ryan, A. (1987). Utilitarianism and other essays. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books.
In order to understand how Mill and Locke came to the conclusion of how much freedom a person should possess, we must understand what a political thinker perceives as freedom and liberty. In John Locke’s writings, The Second Treaties of Government, he states that “all men exist in a state of perfect freedom to order their actions and dispose of their possessions and person as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave or depend...
In Considerations on Representative Government, Mill denounces the idea that a despotic monarchy headed by a good despot is the best form of government. Mill goes on to share the reason behind this idea. The reason lies in the supposition that a distinguished individual with absolute power will ensure that all the duties of government is performed intelligently and virtuously. Mill does not disagree with this belief but he finds the need to address it. He states that an “all-seeing” monarch rather than a “good monarch” is needed. The despot would need to be informed correctly and in detail at all time, and be able to oversee every division of administration with effective attention and care in the twenty-four hours per day he has. If not, the
middle of paper ... ... Philosophers, such as John Stuart Mill, have debated the role and the extension of government in the people’s lives for centuries. Mill presents a clear and insightful argument, claiming that the government should not be concerned with the free will of the people unless explicit harm has been done to an individual. However, such ideals do not build a strong and lasting community. It is the role of the government to act in the best interests at all times through the prevention of harm and the encouragement of free thought.