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What is the cause of inequality in the workplace
Inequality in the workplace essay
Inequality in the workplace essay
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Research Topic #2:
Is what Guy Standing calls the ‘precariat’ a new phenomenon or is it something that has existed before? Can we describe precarious workers as a new class or are they a status within a broader class?
Synopsis:
I argue that what Guy Standing calls the ‘precariat’ is a new phenomenon, unlike any other class that has existed before. Precarious workers are a new class in our capitalist neoliberal society, due to workers dependence on precarious work, which forces people into: part-time, temporary, contract, zero job security employment positions. This differs and refutes Palmer’s argument of the precariat being a branch of the proletariat class as the precarious class do not have the employment stability, job security and flexibility,
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nor the stable identity that is seen among the proletariat class, further proving the partition, and disparity present among the classes.
With establishing this new class, comes the danger and power associated with this precarious class. Due to the sheer volume and desperation of the class, it shows how society is failing these workers. With this, the precariat have the power to act against exclusion by transforming society due to their lack of stable identity. I argue with Marx and Standing as the precariat class lacks a common identity between its members; and that this missing identity and solidarity between the workers is what is reinforcing the exploitation present this class. If this class shifts from a class in itself; meaning the members within a class all have commonalities yet seize to recognize that these commonalities are what joins them all together; and shift to a class for itself; meaning workers realize the similarities present among the class or having class conscienceness, the precariat class will have the power and solidarity to be able to rise up collectively to fight for their similar interests and against the exploitation and precious work plaguing todays workforce and society. Overall I argue in order for the way work is distributed and engaged in today to be changed, the precariat class need to organize in productive ways to be able to transform society and …show more content…
combat inequality. I hope to further unpack and develop Standing’s argument that the precariat is a new dangerous class to neoliberal society, by overall hoping to prove that they are much more than a status within a broader class. Thesis: The ‘precariat’, is not only a new phenomenon developed and present in capitalist neoliberal society today, that has never existed before; but is a entirely new class due to its dependence of precarious work, and the absent labour market, and employment security, such as traditionally seen with the proletariat class.
Due to this, the precariat class is an ever emerging dangerous class, unlike any before; who by switching from a class in itself, to a class for itself could ultimately avail their power in order to abolish the exploitation and precarious work presently forced upon them.
Arguments: I argue the ‘precariat’ is a new class unlike any existing class before, differing from the proletariat class, as discussed in Fink, et. al’s, article; while refuting Palmer’s and Munck’s opposition. I will argue this class is a ever emerging dangerous class in capitalist and neoliberal society due to its precariousness and lack of social identity. I finally argue this class is a ‘class in itself’ and if switched to a ‘class for itself’ this class will be able to combat their working and living conditions for the better due to class coscienceness; using lecture material, Standing and Frase’s article's as evidence and support. 2 Peer Reviewed Articles: Frase, P. (2013). “The Precariat: A Class or a Condition.” New Labor Forum, 22(2), p.11-14. Fink, L., Loy-Wilson, S., Ngai, M. M. (2017). “The First Precariat?” International Labor and Working-Class History, 91, p.99-108. Munck, R. (June, 2013). “The Precariat: A View from the South.” Third World Quarterly, 34(5), p.747-762. Refute
Modern industry has replaced the privately owned workshop with the corporate factory. Laborers file into factories like soldiers. Throughout the day they are under the strict supervision of a hierarchy of seemingly militant command. Not only are their actions controlled by the government, they are controlled by the machines they are operating or working with, the bourgeois supervisors, and the bourgeois manufacturer. The more open the bourgeois are in professing gain as their ultimate goal, the more it condemns the proletariat.
The time period from 1860 to 1914 is defined by the surfacing of the "mass societies." The social order practically ignored the industrial proletariat and the foundation for a reform was laid. The industrial proletariat refers to all the workers who desperately depended on their wages. These people had absolutely no role in politics or in society in general. Even as late as 1860, the workers had to depend on themselves only to improve their social conditions. During the Industrial Revolution, as the number of machines mu...
The working class stays working and the middle class stays being middle. Author Nick Tingle, wrote “The vexation of class”, he argues that the working class and the middle class are separated educationally based on culture and the commonplace. Tingle uses his own personal experiences and Ethos, to effectively prove his point about the difference in class based on culture ; although, Tingle also falls short by adding unnecessary information throughout the article that weakens his belief entirely.
Marx states that the bourgeoisie not only took advantage of the proletariat through a horrible ratio of wages to labor, but also through other atrocities; he claims that it was common pract...
Connell & Irving (1992) identify ‘class structure’ in Australia with the ‘ruling class’ owning property/business, and the ‘working class’ in the way of labourers whom ‘act together in resistance to the capitalists’. This is relevant today in Australia with the privileged having majority of the power and wealth. Moreover, exploitation of the ‘working class’ continue to maintain less power within the workplace & less wealth. Connell & Irving offer an uncomplicated view of class structure, (1992: p 40):
The rapid development of global economy with the opening of new markets worldwide gave way to the development of new means of production and also to the change of ideologies across the world. Alongside with that, the division between different groups or classes within societies became more apparent as some people got richer and other poorer. These two phenomena, the worldwide development of industries and consequent class struggles, have been analyzed by two major thinkers of their times, Karl Marx and Robert Reich. Their essays have been influential and are similar in sense that they analyze existing conditions of societies and give projections on future fates of people, or more specifically, fates of classes. In this paper, the main focus will be on the fate of the wealthiest people; these are the bourgeois for Marx and symbolic analysts for Reich. More specifically, it will be argued that the rich people will be in the worst position according to Marx and this position will cover two aspects: material aspect, which is how well the rich will eventually manage their properties, and the inherent antagonism of classes and its consequences for the wealthy.
This article stated that, according to a study conducted by the United Way and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), approximately 40% of young workers in Ontario are in jobs classified as part-time, temporary or self-employed. The same study also found that less than half of part-time/temporary workers were able to transition into full-time higher-wage work and, perhaps most importantly, the percentage of those able to transition will likely decline over the next decade. Clearly, the growth of part-time and temporary jobs has been growing on an upward trend over the past decade and appears to have become part of business as usual. A study conducted in 2015 by the United Way and the Law Commission of Ontario (LCO) states that approximately 22% of part-time/temporary work in the past year can be characterized as precarious work, i.e. work with poor or no benefits and job security. The growth in precarious employment is due to many factors including Globalization, improved technology, changes to business models, and the economic shift from manufacturing to the service sector. These shifts have essentially formed a new economy that has a high demand for fluidity and flexibility in the common workplace, and has low a demand for the old fashioned “Standard” model of the workplace (largely full-time employees with a full suite of
While this is a dramatized statement regarding the plight of the worker under the new machine driven industrial system, rhetoric such as this did represent the fears of the working class. Over time, as industrialization appeared more common, there emerged more heated debates between the working class and business owners. The struggle between the two opposing classes of labor was the embodiment of the argument for national identity, according to Trachtenberg. His attention to detail of the divide between the lower class workers and the rich upper crust industrialists, serves to illustrate the varying changes which occurred across the country.
Precarious employment is work that is not secure, generally does not include any type of benefits, and is paid so lowly that it generally does not meet the living wage. This type of employment is unfortunately a growing trend in today’s societies due to many factors such as outsourcing, globalization, a saturated job market, shifts from manufacturing to the service sector and jobs also being replaced by computerized units. When speaking on precariousness these trends also affect European societies due to the fact that the outsourcing is generally to places where labour is extremely cheap in order to lower the costs of goods such as Asia and South America. This growing trend is also resulting in negative effects on the economy such as the bottoming out of the middle class and a large amount of citizens living below the poverty line and not able to earn a livable wage. Minimum Wage is on the incline, however, it is still not enough to live on practically and there are many other factors that make precarious work disadvantageous other than the wages such as job security and room for growth and promotion within the company. The negative changes to the job market brought on by the changes to it have resulted in higher expectations and demands from the employers which reduce the amount of people which are eligible for what are now known as “good jobs”. These good jobs generally entail a livable wage, benefits, more flexibility and better job security. Precarious work is categorized and gendered as women and immigrants make up the vast majority of employees in this type of work. Since precarious work affects citizens on a global scale, in this essay, there will be comparisons and contrasts drawn between precarious work in Canada ...
The United States is the most developed capitalist economy in the world. The markets within the economy provide profit-motivated companies endless potential in the pursuance of pecuniary accumulation. Throughout the twentieth-century competitive companies have implemented modernized managerial procedures designed to raise profits by reducing unnecessary costs. These cost-saving procedures have had a substantial effect on society and particularly members of the working class. Managers and owners of these competitive and self-motivated companies have consistently worked throughout this century to exploit the most controllable component of the production process: the worker. The worker has been forced by the influence of powerful and affluent business owners to work in conditions hazardous to their well being in addition to preposterously menial compensation. It was the masterful manipulation of society and legislation through strategic objectives that the low-wage workers were coerced into this position of destitute. The strategies of the affluent fragment of society were conceived for the selfish purpose of monetary gain. The campaigns to augment the business position within the capitalist economy were designed to weaken organized labor, reduce corporate costs, gain legislative control and reduce international competition at the expense of the working class. The owners have gained and continue to gain considerable wealth from these strategies. To understand why the owners of the powerful companies operate in such a selfish manner, we must look at particular fundamentals of both capitalism and corporation strategy. Once these rudiments are understood, we ...
The working class--the proletariat--must work to survive. Conversely, the bourgeois own the means of production and exploit the proletariat for their labor as well as the goods produced as a result (Ollman). The characters of Fuenteovejuna fit easily within this dichotomy. The townspeople exemplify Marx’s proletariat class, working tirelessly only to have the fruits of their labor--the crops they have harvested--taken by the Commander and the other nobles. Then, the Commander and his fellow nobles exemplify the bourgeois
Under the oppression of the bourgeoisie, the proletariats, who composed the mass majority, only owned one resource—their labor. However, the bourgeoisie could not continue to exist without the instruments of production. Since the common worker lived only so long as they could find work, and could only work so long as their labor increases capital, they continued to be oppressed by the bourgeoisie, who controlled the capitalist society by exploiting the labor provided by the proletariats. People sell their laboring-power to a buyer, not to satisfy the per...
Mentioning the fruitless riots in Paris and Lyon, she asserts that unions are the workers’ “one legal and legitimate resource” with which to end oppression. Instead of trying to rebuild society from the ground up in small colonies, Tristan maintains that positive change can be made for workers on a large scale and within the existing societal framework. In The Manifesto of the Communist Party, Marx and Engels maintain that large-scale political change is immediately necessary to ensure the proletariat’s rights: “the first step.is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling as to win the battle of democracy. The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the hands of the State.”
* "universal breadwinners" is a term used by Nancy Fraser in "Justice Interruptus: Critical Reflections on the 'Postsocialist' Condition" (New York, NY: Routledge, 1997) pp. 51-62.
Thus, such an alteration in awareness is unavoidable. In Marxists terms, class explicitly regards the ownership of means of production and consciousness is the awareness because of alienation and solidarity, it is through the recognition of the “other” that alienation arises and class-consciousness begins to develop. This awareness occurs as a result of the importance of productive forces to the most basic human life. Consciousness thus matters significantly because it enables revolutionary behavior and ultimately allows for the transition between historical states, upholding Marx’s view of developmental