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Analysis of slave narratives
Analysis of slave narratives
Analysis of slave narratives
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White Innocence and Ignorance
In his article, “My President was Black”, Ta-Nehisi Coates writes about how Obama “Walked on ice but never fell”, regarding race issues because he “appealed to a belief in innocence – in particular a white innocence – that ascribed the country’s historical errors more to misunderstanding and the work of a small cabal than to any deliberate malevolence or widespread racism” (Coates, 10). While Coates explains that he believes this is the only way Obama could’ve been put in the white house, by appealing to this “white innocence”, it could be said that perhaps by allowing for white innocence, white ignorance was perpetuated.
What is white ignorance? Is it a good framework that can help us to understand what Coates
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is saying? According to Caribbean Philosopher, Charles Mills, it is a kind of group-based cognitive handicap that is “not contingent, but in which race –white racism and/or white racial domination and their ramifications –plays a crucial causal role” (Mills, 20). Mills makes it clear that this is a kind of ignorance you have because of your race, in other words, some knowledge that you would have if you weren’t the race that you are. While white ignorance can play a causal role in racism, it itself is not inherently racist. It should also be noted that it is not confined to just white people and is not uniform across the white population. Mills explains that white ignorance often stems from privilege and “tend(s) to produce self-deception, bad faith, evasion, and misrepresentation” (Mills, 17). Examples that Mills uses to explain white ignorance include conception, memory and testimony.
The memory example seems most prevalent in this context. In this example, Mills talks about the downplaying/forgetting of how horrific slavery was. I feel that this example in particular relates to what Coates has to say and helps to explain it. Because white Americans have the privilege of never having to had to endure or hear stories of their ancestors enduring the horrors of slavery, it is easy for them to downplay how big of a deal it actually has been in truly affecting and in shaping people’s lives who have been systemically forced to endure slavery, since for them it wasn’t as big of an ordeal and in fact they would have reason to want to forget/downplay how bad it was since they were the ones that caused it. So, a president that wanted to view everyone in the country as united, as one, a president that was in a sense promoting the forgetting of these horrors, that would appeal to the white people of the United States—and could serve as an example of the ways in which the political shape the cultural or societal. As Coates points out, “To reinforce the majoritarian dream, the nightmare endured by the minority is erased” (Coates, 13). Mills also would include the politics of colorblindness as an act of white ignorance in its deliberate forgetting. While it could seem like a good thing to see everyone as race-less, Mills argues that it does so in a way so that it is “on terms …show more content…
that negate the need for measures to repair the inequities of the past” (Mills, 28) If everyone is the same, then no one needs reparations or affirmative action or any other measures that could be taken to combat the racism that has been so prevalent in the United States. This also relates to the “white innocence” Coates talks about how by trying to see the country in the light that there was “no black America, no white America, no Latino America, no Asian America, only “the United states of America”’(Coates, 9). By lumping everyone in together we forget about the past which seems to only have an advantage to those who are white and more often than not overwhelmingly dominating positions of power and authority. Based on all of this, I do feel that White ignorance is a good framework to help us understand Coates and his passionate plea. It seems to me that Mills’ concept of white ignorance not only sheds light on what Coates has to say about white innocence, but also on knowledge and ignorance in general.
I have always thought about ignorance as (as Mills put it), “the passive obverse to knowledge.” But Mills helps us to see that ignorance can be much more powerful than that. It can be active and dynamic, like the active forgetting of a genocide or the implicit distrust of testimony of a certain race. There is a deep-set tendency which determines using white ignorance in a deeply politically calculating way because many of these upper middle class constituents are going to be willing to potentially pay a lot more in political contributions, then say a family, minority, and of a lower socioeconomic status. White ignorance contributes to keeping traditionally white dominated power hierarchies in place, not in a way that is overtly challenged. Mills also helps us to see that ignorance, can in a way, be presented as a type of knowledge and that we must be wary of this. I think Mills sheds a light on knowledge by exploring ignorance because for us to understand that we are ignorant is the first step to acquiring the true knowledge which we have been oblivious to. The more people that are aware of this cognitive handicap, the more people that will be aware of these implicit biases when consuming information and looking out for it. By realizing that not all of our beliefs are true ones, this better helps us to
realize that there is knowledge out there and we simply must go looking for the truth.
“I repeatedly forgot each of the realizations on this list until I wrote it down. For me, white privilege has turned out to be an elusive and fugitive subject. The pressure to avoid it is great, for in facing it I must give up the myth of meritocracy. If these things are true, this is not such a free country; one’s life is not what one makes it; many doors open for certain people through no virtues of their own.”
...icit in the cause of white supremacists, and is in fact as personally involved with the subject of his scholarly article as Wright is with his own less academic essay. Phillips’s evidentiary support is subject to a striking caveat, one which puts almost any source to work for his purposes, “When…slavery was attacked it was defended not only as a vested interest, but…as a guarantee of white supremacy and civilization. Its defenders did not always take pains to say that this was what they chiefly meant, but it may nearly always be read between their lines.” This has the effect of providing an assumed motive for all of his sources; Phillips’s reader also begins to ‘read between the lines.’ The most troubling aspect of his article is that, in the guise of a serious historian, he twists historical fact to suit his thesis, rather than suiting his thesis to the facts.
From beginning to end the reader is bombarded with all kinds of racism and discrimination described in horrific detail by the author. His move from Virginia to Indiana opened a door to endless threats of violence and ridicule directed towards him because of his racial background. For example, Williams encountered a form of racism known as modern racism as a student at Garfield Elementary School. He was up to win an academic achievement prize, yet had no way of actually winning the award because ?The prize did not go to Negroes. Just like in Louisville, there were things and places for whites only? (Williams, 126). This form of prejudice is known as modern racism because the prejudice surfaces in a subtle, safe and socially acceptable way that is easy to rationalize.
He believes that because of what past generations have endured and the lack of freedom that was given to blacks, they were not provided the same rights and were looked at as inferior human beings. Social matters, such as mass incarceration of blacks and the idea that black people are criminals, stem from the disparity between races as explained by Coates who emphasizes, “blacks who could not find work were labeled vagrants and sent to jail, where they were leased as labor to the very people who had once enslaved them” (Coates). The situation did not change even when they were freed from enslavement as blacks were not able to live the same as the white people. This reinforced blacks being inferior as they were not given the same opportunities as white people had. To this day, many black men looking for jobs struggle with the same disadvantages that existed years ago. They are targeted by the criminal justice system, and once they have a criminal history, it is hard for them to find jobs. Unfortunately, even with a clean record it is still difficult for black men to find jobs since, “the job market in America regards black men who have never been criminals as though they were” (Coates). Coates draws parallels between incarceration and slavery, but also provides explanation as to why minorities find themselves with certain unequal and employment
In Days of Destruction Days of Revolt by Chris Hedges Chapter 2, he shows that the minority is fully aware that White privilege is there, in a quote saying “I had urged [the minority] to have faith in America and in white society” (Hedges 2012: 60). In this quote, he shows symbolic interactionism by using the Labeling Theory. The labeling theory is when a label is being put onto something to describe it. And in that instance, it was put onto society and it was the word “white.” It was being put there to show the minority that had to hope in society, but mainly in white society because he feels that the majority of our society is controlled by white people. Coming from Schaeffer, he says that Blacks are discriminated against because they are inferior to whites (Schaeffer 2012:62). This is important because when related to Symbolic interactionism it is labeling Blacks as inferior and Whites as superior and coming from Lipsitz, “‘Americans’ means ‘whites’”(Lipsitz 1998: 67). It symbolizes that blacks think that they are not Americans and making them less a part of our country. This explains why white people are unaware of their superiority and how black people are aware of that they are inferior to Whites. This should
“I was taught to see racism only in individual acts of meanness, not in invisible systems conferring dominance on my group,” Peggy McIntosh wrote in her article White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack. Too often this country lets ignorance be a substitute for racism. Many believe that if it is not blatant racism, then what they are doing is okay. Both the video and the article show that by reversing the terms, there is proof that racism is still very existent in this world. By looking into A Class Divided and White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack along with their ability to broaden the cultural competence, once can see how race is still very prominent in our culture.
In Between the World and Me, written by Ta-Nehisi Coates, the author writes with passion to his son about the many different stages of his life intended directly to depict the life of a black person and in how racism, prejudice, and slavery has caused a black life to be unequal to a white one. In his writing Coates states
After slavery ended, many hoped for a changed America. However, this was not so easy, as slavery left an undeniable mark on the country. One problem ended, but new problems arose as blacks and whites put up “color lines” which led to interior identity struggles. These struggles perpetuated inequality further and led W. E. B. Du Bois to believe that the only way to lift “the Veil” would be through continuing to fight not only for freedom, but for liberty - for all. Others offered different proposals on societal race roles, but all recognized that “double consciousness” of both the individual and the nation was a problem that desperately needed to be solved.
In today’s age, African-Americans are still viewed as the lower race. There are entire ghettos associated with housing only African-American individuals and cities are divided among racial lines. For example, our hometown of Chicago, the north serves as residence to the “whites” while the south end of the city home to “blacks”. There is a wide-spread belief that African-Americans are not as smart as the rest of the population, are in some way related to a criminal background, and/or do not care about their betterment in any way and are lazy. This is because, Mills argues, racial realists associate racial characteristics to the “peculiar” history of that race. This makes argument makes logical sense given the oppressive history of African-Americans in
Many people in the United States society believe that people of all cultures, races, and ethnicities are now on an even playing field. People with this belief support their logic with the argument that since equal rights for people of color and women have been required by law for some time now, we are all inherently as equal as claimed in the Declaration of Independence. Many believe that race is no longer an issue, a viewpoint frequently referred to as color-blindness. National polling data indicated that a majority of whites now believe discrimination against racial minorities no longer exists. (Gallagher, 96) Color-blindness allows a white person to define himself or herself as politically and racially tolerant and then proclaim their adherence to a belief system that does not see or judge individuals by the “color of their skin.” (Gallagher, 98) Many Caucasians in particular are of the opinion that because they listen to hip-hop or cheer for their favorite black, professional sports player that they are not racist. Still others believe that because they have a black president, we see black people in the commercial of products we consume, or enjoy television shows with black people that they are actually acknowledging race. In order to examine and dismantle this series of misconceptions, we will turn to the work of various scholars of social justice and privilege, including Peggy McIntosh, Patricia Hinchey and Johnathon Kozol as well as the story of Patricia J Williams. Through a careful examination of these works with the support of some key statistics, it is the goal of this paper to demonstrate the existence of a privileged and unprivileged America, despite the color-blindness many may profess to have integrated into their p...
White ignorance plays a significant role in the main idea of the podcast. The main hosts, Shereen Meraji and Gene Demby, talk with different speakers and ask their thoughts on ideas and events relating to the topic whiteness. The first speaker, Peggy McIntosh shares her story of realizing how ignorant
Prior to beginning my readings on white racial identity, I did not pay much attention to my white race. If someone had asked me to describe my appearance I would have said short blond hair, blue eyes, average stature, etc. One of the last things I would have noted was the color of my skin. Growing up in overwhelmingly white communities, I never thought to use the color of my skin to differentiate myself from others. Over the course of this dialogue I have learned that my white racial identity is one of the most defining aspects of my appearance in this society. There is a certain level of privilege that I am afforded based solely on the color of my skin. According to Peggy McIntosh, “White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, assurances, tools, maps, guides, codebooks, passports, visas, clothes, compass, emergency gear, and blank checks” (71). All these objects listed by McIntosh are things I have access to and certainly take for granted. Due to a history of non-white racial oppression, which transformed into decades of racial discrimination that still lingers today, the white race has dominated our society in terms of resources and prosperity. The ideas of wealth, higher-level education and ambition to succeed are all traits commonly linked to people of the white race that collectively define privilege. The aspect of privilege can also produce disadvantages for people of the white race as well. In the book Promoting Diversity and Justice, the author D. Goodman notes that people of advantage groups develop a sense of superiority, which will sometimes lead them to wonder if, “their achievements were based on privilege or merit” (107). Along with a diminished sense of accomplishment, the cost ...
As I read this article I found myself feeling guilty as I have on many occasions during the course of this class. Growing up as a white kid in Kahuku I always felt I was not one of the haole people who were ignorant and foolish in their understanding of "native issues" I thought that I was instilled with the values of respecting our aina and my desire to understand olelo Hawaii was a characteristic that set me apart from my peers. As a teenager, I always had more respect for local people and minorities, infact, to me, white people never helped at all in my growth into an adult. The people that hurt me the worst were my white parents and the people that did not help me when I needed it most were my stuck-up, rich white family. The people that were there for me as I struggled through not just adolescence, but abusive parents and drug addiction in every facet of my nuclear and extended family were families who were Hawaiian and Filipino. They were people who descended from a community that relied on sugar cane plantations in Kahuku. My family was not my mom and dad, my family was a community of people that were there for me and treated me as their own. I never liked being white. What pride is their in that, to be part of a culture which has conquered and destroyed almost all other civilizations on the face of earth in the name of an unforgiving God. I felt set apart from my ethnicity and always wished I could be dark, be anything other than what I am and I succeeded in feeling this way for a long time.
Obama emotionally influences the nation to move forward from the issues of race that is hindering America. Without dwelling on his family tree, Obama reminds us that his father was black and his mother white, that he came from Kenya, but she came from Kansas: “I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slave and slave owners — an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles, and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.
These are just a few phrases that come to mind when I think about the ignorance of the white race. This is not to say that we are all ignorant but clearly if you are a white american you do not know what it is to be black. Bill O'Brien is a conservative that does not believe that white privilege exists today. The argument against this is based on the Asian-American population being more affluent than the white Americans.