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Impact of media on immigration
Analysis of Canadian immigration policy
Analysis of Canadian immigration policy
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In Adelman’s Canadian Borders and Immigration Post 9/11 and Hugo’s Australia Immigration Policy: The Significance of the Events of September 11, both authors explore the effects of 9/11 on the Canadian immigration and refugee policy and on the Australian asylum seeker policy respectively. To arrive at their findings, both authors use media coverage, public opinion, and examination of post 9/11 impacts on the policies of both states. Additionally, Adelman uses new legislations that Canada adopted after the attacks while Hugo uses the justification of the Australian government for their change in policy. Attempting to reason states’ actual purpose for introducing controversial immigration policies is problematic. Adelman and Hugo’s method of analysis and hurried conclusions show that the dilemma that arises in explaining immigration trends, including policies. …show more content…
Adelman and Hugo maintain that both Canada and Australia had already correlated refugees and asylum seekers with security issues before the events of 9/11 (Adelman 22; Hugo 40) .
It was the event that strengthened both constituents and politicians’ perception of outsiders as threats. Additionally, the media played into the exagerration. Both articles showed that public opinion changed to reflect this fear of immigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers in both countries. For example, two-thirds of Canadians and three-quarters of Australians supported the idea of stronger control of borders to deter terrorists from entering (Adelman 15; Hugo 37). Thomas Faist argues that this inclination to tighten up borders due to the perception of threat of migrants is “inconclusive” (Faist 10). This excuse is used to circumvent the “stereotypes about cultural fears and clashes” (Faist 8) citizens have of outsiders. Although the policies of both states were critizied by people, including lawyers and organizations, it is key to note that enough people supported and even elected representatives that introduced and ratified such
policies. Between the 70s and 90s, major politcal parties in Australia welcomed the non-discriminatory immigration policy and multiculturalism (Castles et al. 167). However, when the Liberal Party of Australia, in power post 9/11, heigthened the issue of asylum seekers and the war against terrorism to win the election in 2001 (Hugo 39). In contrast, although Canada passed numerous bills in 2001 that reflect its stance against immigrants and refugees, it currently has an expansive immigration policy that admits about 1% of its total population each year (Castles et al. 134). Both Adelman and Hugo conclude their articles by suggesting that only time will solidify the view of immigration in both countries. It is clear that both articles were written in 2002, only a short period after 9/11, which makes it difficult to see the full scope and impacts of the immigration policies discussed. However, their hurried and inconclusive ending lessens the impact of any argument they offered, especially with Adelman. Adelman’s numerous comparisons of Canada’s policy with the US may have been his use of international relational analysis, but it was ineffective and seemed as a way to lessen Canada’s stance against immigrants and refugees ( Adelman 26). Adelman’s strengths are his inclusion of how the 9/11 acts caused more disturbances in the economic and trade sector of Canada than the general fear of terrorism, itself and his justification of why Canada chose specific countries whose citizens needed visa requirements. Hugo’s strengths include his demonstration how populist parties can use fear of terrorism to win elections and his portrayal of the government’s changed processing of asylum seekers arriving in boats. My main criticism of both papers is how little quantative data they offered, particularly with refugees and asylees both states admitted. This may have been due to the fact that they had little data, but then they could have waited to gain more data before writing the articles. Nevertheless, I wonder how both authors would approach the topic if they were to write an updated version, especially with Justin Trudeau welcoming stance on immigration.
The mention of the abolition of multiculturalism for a “new” post-multiculturalist approach becomes difficult to understand. It claims, “to avoid the ‘excesses’ of multiculturalism” (47), however where does this notable governmental and social switch take place? How is the term coined, and how is it understood in theory versus in practice? How is it different from its predecessor? Even the classification of history struggles to define what is considered to be modern, let alone post-modern, and yet the term suggests a positive approach to alleviating difficult assimilation projects similar to those faced elsewhere (47). This notion may developed on the grounds of “someone else’s problems” ¬– in regards to its Canadian context – as a means to label, or justify, miscellaneous aspects of multiculturalism. However, with the government-wide commitment to policies and programs, in conjunction with social understanding, it naturally becomes subject to a wide array of differing opinions. As both immigration and citizenship policies change, its public reception often shifts as well. Especially since the channels referred to within the ‘multiculturalism...
...a’s immigration policy becoming fairer. From 1991-1997, 607 Rwandan refugees were allowed into Canada. From 1992-1997, close to 13,000 thousand Bosnian refugees were allowed into Canada. The acceptance of these refugees from Bosnia and Rwanda show how much Canada’s immigration policy has changed since 1914, when many immigrants and refugees trying to enter Canada were rejected.
September 11, 2001 was a day that Americans and the world for that matter will not soon forget. When two planes went into the twin towers of the World Trade Center and two others went into the Pentagon and a small town in Pennsylvania, the world was rocked. Everyone in the United States felt very vulnerable and unsafe from attacks that might follow. As a result, confidence in the CIA, FBI, and the airlines were shaken. People were scared to fly after what had happened.
9/11 was one of the most devastating events in American History. Four hijacked passenger airplanes killed almost three thousand people. 9/11 changed millions of lives forever. American Citizens didn’t feel safe. This attack was a wake-up call to American security. 9/11 forced the country to acknowledge its shortcomings and fix them, before any more harm could come upon the United States of America. 9/11, as all acts of terror do, promoted the growth of technology, in this case, security in the United States. 9/11 also brought about feelings of hatred to the country. The United States soon became known as one of the most intolerable nations on this planet. Lastly, 9/11 butchered the economy and forced it down a long road to recovery.
Foreign policy and Immigration since 1945”. Threatened Peoples, Threatened Borders: World Migration Policy. Eds. Michael Teitelbaum and Myron Weiner. New York: Columbia University, 1995. p.123-124.
The attacks that occurred on 9/11 took place on September 11th, 2001. In this devastating event, four different attacks had taken place. Each of the attacks were carried out by terrorists. The group responsible for the attack was Al-Qaeda, a militant Islamist organization that is known to be global in present day. The group itself has a network consisting of a Sunni Muslim movement that aims to make global Jihad happen. Furthermore, a stateless, multinational army that is ready to move at any given time. This terrorist group focuses on attacking non-Sunni Muslims, those who are not Muslim, and individuals who the group deems to be kafir. Ever since the late 1980s, Al-Qaeda has been wreaking havoc all around the world. The leader of the group once being Osama bin Laden. Three planes were bound for New York City while another plane headed towards Washington, D.C. which was supposed to take out the U.S. Capitol. Two of the airplanes crashed into the World Trade Center. One plane hitting the North Tower and the other hitting the South Tower. The third plane had crashed into the Pentagon taking out the western side of the building. The last and final plane was focused solely on taking out the U.S. Capitol in Washington D.C. but failed due to passengers of the plane coming hijacking it from the hijackers. The passengers attempted to take out the hijackers but sadly failed, crashing it into a field in Pennsylvania. Throughout the content of this paper, we will be focusing on the role of media when it comes to 9/11; more specifically: how the media's coverage of 9/11 manipulated our feelings towards 9/11, how it affected Islamophobia in America, and the lasting effects of 9/11.
Ngai, Mae M., and Jon Gjerde. "Refugee Act of 1980." Major Problems in American Immigration History: Documents and Essays. Boston, MA: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2013. 525-526. Print.
Imagine the world slows and four planes crash. Then imagine us Canadians getting the news those four planes crashed, but these are not just four random crashes; one hits the pentagon and two destroy the twin towers and one just misses its target the pentagon. Now just imagine how this would change Canada. 9/11 changed Canada significantly because of certain measures taken. These measure were mostly changes in security like sending troops to Afghanistan, increase in border security, border fees, the creation of Command Canada and Anti-Terror laws. These were key to the safety and security of Canada and to prevent an absolute horror like 9/11 from repeating itself.
Frances Abele, How Ottawa Spends 1991-92: The Politics of Fragmentation, McGill-Queen's Press-MQUP, 1991, 381 pages. William Kaplan (editor), Belonging : The Meaning and Future of Canadian Citizenship, McGill-Queen's Press-MQUP, 1993, 387 pages.
The distance between the new arrivals and the natives fosters a sense of distrust on both ends. However, the concern that the growing population of immigrants will compromise America’s national identity undermines our national reality. Historically, those who have willingly immigrated to the United States have had a desire to become part of American society, crossing borders and seas t...
Stoffman, Daniel. Who gets in: What's wrong with Canada's immigration program, and how to fix it. Toronto: Macfarlane Walter & Ross, 2002.
In 1893 two deadly disease outbreaks were found linked to immigrants in America. However, at this time Americans did not want to suspend immigration. “Public opinion, despite worries over immigration, was not willing to jettison America’s traditional vision of immigration” (Cannato 87). Even with the want to protect the “traditional vision of immigration” that America had, fear of immigrants still existed. Also propaganda in newspapers created a hateful insight on immigration for Americans that knew nothing about immigration. “For Americans who did not have close contact with immigrants, their vision of these newcomers often came from cartoons drawn by unsympathetic hands” (Cannato 179). By only witnessing immigration through hate filled cartoons, Americans started to loathe the idea of immigration. Fear of the unknown that immigrants brought only grew as the years went by. During the 1920s, the idea that the country was no longer one race bothered a great deal of Americans. “The Great War seemed to shift public attitudes toward immigrants, since ‘Americans were forced to the realization that their country, instead of being a homogenous whole, was a jumbled-up mass of undigested racial material” (Cannato 335). The idea of not being one set race, made many Americans leery of immigration. Even after the 1920s the alarm towards immigration has only grown. In addition to the attitudes of the American people during the late 1800s to 1900s, the experiences that immigrants went through was highlighted in Cannato’s book as
Perea, Juan. Immigrants Out! The New Nativism and the Anti-Immigrant Impulse in the United States. New York or London: New York University Press, 1997. Print.
Banting noted that some Canadians fear multiculturalism will bring, “…challenges to historic cultures, anxieties about Islam, and fears about insecurity,” (797). As people migrate from one cultural or religious backgrounds, maintaining the identity of the host country becomes difficult. Young children born interact with the immigrants and they could easily emulate foreign cultures thereby putting the historic cultural identity of Canadians at risk of erosion. Winter Elke warned that multiculturalism is changing to give too much preference to the immigrants thereby risking it to become a minority affair (638). Therefore, the relationship between national the majority of Canadians and immigrants need rethinking. Erosion of other cultures as immigrants introduce new ways or adapt to the cultures of the host county (Canada). Furthermore, education of the immigrants could face challenges if they experience difficulty settling in Canada. Given that immigrants later work in Canada, the human resource sector faces a new challenge of managing a diversified workforce, which can create headache for Canadian employers. Banting indicated that there is, “a strong sense that multiculturalism policies have “failed” a reaction that is strongest perhaps in the Netherlands, but is felt in many other countries as well,” (797). Such assertions only fuel resentment towards
Mansouri & Kirpitchenko report migrant youth as having “an aversion to formal structured engagement” (2015), rather gravitating towards active engagement in informal or family structures. This aversion may result from Australia’s “history of racism” (Poynting & Mason, 2008) equating to those not of caucasian descent being classed as “other” (Poynting & Mason, 2008; See also Bird & McDonnell 1997) and leading those under this classification being subjected to xenophobic backlash (Poynting & Mason 2008) in the form of citizenship being shaped as obedience to the law (Macduff 2014). This is demonstrated through the citizenship pledge, where applicants physically submit to the legal requirements of the pledge, enforcing the governments authority (Macduff 2014). Obedience is further asserted by government policy, with former Prime Minister John Howard stating “if they don’t want to live by Australian values and understand them, well then they can basically clear off” (Poynting & Mason, 2008). Well intended, the former Prime Minister responded to 9/11 with a “call for greater state intervention in Muslim cultural and religious matters” (Poynting & Mason 2008) as a means to protect Australia. However, this representation of a people as a “monolithic cultural identity” (Bird & McDonnell 1997) creates problems through separating caucasian Australia from the “other”, creating what Poynting & Perry call a “permission to hate” (Poynting & Mason 2008) and limiting opportunities to participate as citizens of the country they now belong to. “Law is an instrument through which a communities values and rights may be given effect” (Wong, 2014) and the effects of the proposed amendments on civic participation among migrant communities may be that formal participation reaches even lower numbers. Wong’s fears for the “victims of bullying” (2014) resonate