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Hobbies political contribution to the society
Critiques of thomas hobbes political philosophy
Hobbes political essay
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Hobbes’ justification of absolute authority:
From a state of nature to justifying collective slavery
Hobbes’ political philosophy can be understood as a precursor of the social contract
tradition. Characteristic of his approach is an attempt to justify absolute political authority by an appeal to our rational nature, i.e., in order to avoid a state of war, the appointment of such an authority is considered to be in our best rational interest. By this is implied that we are to collectively give up our naturally endowed freedom in order to ascertain a prolonged existence. This allows for Hobbes to grant such an authority unbounded and absolute power: as long as this authority ensures our continued existence—which reflects our most fundamental drive—rebellion is strictly forbidden. Since the guarantee of our continued existence seems to function as the only criterion for a legitimate authority, one can question some of its implications.
In what follows, I will first briefly analyze Hobbes’ argument pertaining t o the transition from a state of war to the justification of absolute authority. Second, it will be argued that the assurance of our continued existence as a sole criterion for a legitimate authority is in fact contrary to our rational interests. That is, the possible scenario of collective slavery by means of such authority cannot merely be considered an unsatisfying implication: the acceptance of slavery on behalf of a continued existence is absurd, and as such may not be in our rational interest. A reference to Rousseau will be employed here. Finally, I will end with the observation that Rawls’ approach in this context seems more intuitive and as such able to avoid the unwanted scenario of collective slavery.
A st...
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...ish existence. Assuming such a scenario, it is not evident whether one would rationally prefer bare existence over nonexistence—. It can be argued that the— demarcation between a slavish life and nonexistence itself is at least psychologically nonexistent. Furthermore, a slavish life may reflect a position that is qualitatively worse than that of a life within—a state of nature. In the latter scenario— one retains his freedom, which may be valued or be in our rational interest more than the uncertainties inherent in such a life. Consensus pertaining to the institution of collective slavery would
guaranteesnotexistbetweenignoranceagentsofone’slocalizedownstatus,intheandoriginal position, since the veil of ignorance it is argued that the possibility of a slavish life cannot be in our rational interest.
Inleiding Sociale en Politieke Filosofie – Bert van den Brink 6
...y will consent to this, and bring in a sovereign that will also operate under the law. Also, that sovereign will have to operate with checks and balances, under a government with divided powers. The difference with Hobbes is that if any powerful invader that takes over the land that you reside with the intent to be the sovereign is not allowed. As mentioned, such an action permits the people to declare war with this presumed authority. That also extends to the situation in which those citizens were unsatisfied with the government that they had initially consented to.
Thomas Hobbes and John Stuart Mill have completely differing views on affairs consisting of liberty and authority. Hobbes believing that man is inherently unable to govern themselves and emphasizes that all people are selfish and evil; the lack of governmental structure is what results in a state of chaos, only to be resolved by an authority figure, leading him to be in favor of authority. Throughout “On Liberty” Mill believes that authority, used to subvert one’s liberty, is only acceptable in protecting one from harm. In Leviathan Hobbes uses the Leviathan as a metaphor for the state, made up of its inhabitants, with the head of the Leviathan being the sovereign and having sovereignty as the soul of the Leviathan. Hobbes’ believes that man needs the absolute direction of the sovereign for society to properly function, deeming liberty practically irrelevant due to authority, as the government’s power is the only thing that allows society to go anywhere. The views that Mill has on liberty are not simply more applicable in modern and ancient society, but the outcome of his views are far more beneficial on society as a whole compared to Hobbes’ who’s views are far too black and white to be applied in outside of a theoretical situation and would not truly work in real world scenarios.
Thomas Hobbes says that there must be a strong sovereign because it is the only possibility other than the state of nature. In the state of nature every man is equal and having equal rights to all things, all would be in constant war against one another. In this case no one is assured that he will have the fruits of his own labor, and thus there is no labor done but life is "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short." That man would choose to remain in this state is not an option to Hobbes. He says that for men to "seek peace and follow it" is a law of nature. Thus for Hobbes obedience to the sovereign is a choice that everyone must make, because it is natural and reasonable to make it, and because it is the only option other than the state of nature.
In sophisticated prose, Hobbes manages to conclude that human beings are all equal in their ability to harm each other, and furthermore that they are all capable of rendering void at will the covenants they had previously made with other human beings. An absolutist government, according to Hobbes, would result in a in a society that is not entirely focused on self-preservation, but rather a society that flourishes under the auspices of peace, unity, and security. Of all the arguably great philosophical discourses, Hobbes in particular provides one of the surest and most secure ways to live under a sovereign that protects the natural liberties of man. The sovereign government is built upon the idea of stability and security, which makes it a very intriguing and unique government indeed. The aforementioned laudation of Hobbes and his assertions only helps to cement his political theories at the forefront of the modern
Hobbes explanation of the state and the sovereign arises from what he calls “the State of Nature”. The State of Nature is the absence of political authority. There is no ruler, no laws and Hobbes believes that this is the natural condition of humanity (Hobbes 1839-45, 72). In the State of Nature there is equality. By this, Hobbes means, that there is a rough equality of power. This is because anyone has the power to kill anyone (Hobbes 1839-45, 71). Hobbes argues that the State of Nature is a violent, continuous war between every person. He claims that the State of nature is a state of w...
To make this argument I will first outline this thought with regard to this issue. Second, I will address an argument in support of Rousseau’s view. Third, I will entertain the strongest possible counterargument to my view; namely, the idea that the general will contradicts itself by forcing freedom upon those who gain no freedom from the general will. Fourth, I will rebut that counter argument by providing evidence that the general will is always in favor of the common good. Finally, I will conclude my paper by summarizing the main lines of the argument of my paper and reiterate my thesis that we can force people to be free.
In an attempt to comprehend this titular question, I will embark upon a close analysis of Benatar’s argument, as I believe it offers one of the strongest cases against coming into existence. I will begin by outlining his argument, secondly identifying two key assumptions, and finally attempting to show that Benatar’s argument is only strong insofar as one takes a hedonistic approach to life- that is, to judge pleasure (and the absence of pain) as the greatest value of life.
The opening line of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's influential work 'The Social Contract' (1762), is 'man is born free, and he is everywhere in chains. Those who think themselves masters of others are indeed greater slaves than they'. These are not physical chains, but psychological and means that all men are constraints of the laws they are subjected to, and that they are forced into a false liberty, irrespective of class. This goes against Rousseau's theory of general will which is at the heart of his philosophy. In his Social Contract, Rousseau describes the transition from a state of of nature, where men are naturally free, to a state where they have to relinquish their naturalistic freedom. In this state, and by giving up their natural rights, individuals communise their rights to a state or body politic. Rousseau thinks by entering this social contract, where individuals unite their power and freedom, they can then gain civic freedom which enables them to remain free as the were before. In this essay, I will endeavour to provide arguments and examples to conclude if Rousseau provides a viable solution to what he calls the 'fundamental problem' posed in the essay title.
During this state of nature in which all individuals are free and equal there exist apparent boundaries to the gratification with the freedoms. The principal challenge that withholds an individual from benefiting from his freedom is the "Fear of oppression" (ch. 11, ¶9). In this paper, I will argue that men do not always have to go from power to power, always trying to subjugate all beneath them. I will raise and support two objections against Hobbes theory on man in the state of nature and freedom, and argue that John Locke’s theory on the state of nature and freedom is rational, as it applies to man.
Individual liberty is the freedom to act and believe as one pleases. It is a widely controversial issue when it comes to the power of the government policing over individual�s freedoms. In this paper, I am going to compare two well known philosophers, Thomas Hobbes and John Rawls. In part one, I will explain the political and social positions taken by each philosopher. I will explain how Thomas Hobbes is associated with the �social contract theory,� and how John Rawls� theory of government is a �theory of justice.� In doing so, I will describe their different viewpoints on the government and its power over the people. In Part two, I will describe the differences between Hobbes and Rawls. I will argue that Rawls position on the government is the most reasonable, and I will explain why I believe so. In part three, I will explain my own theory and viewpoint with the example of sex laws, including prostitution. With this example, I will tell how and why I believe individual liberty is important. In part four, I will explain how someone might disagree with my position. I will explain how conservative individuals would argue that the government should regulate sexual activity to protect the greater good of society. Finally, I will conclude with discussing the power of the government and individual liberties in today�s society.
The main critics of Thomas Hobbes’ work are most often those with a more optimistic view of human nature. However, if one is to really look at a man’s actions in depth, a self-serving motivation can always be found. The main problem with Hobbes’ claims is that he does not account for the more Darwinian perspective that helping one’s own species survive is at the same time a selfish and unwar-like act. Thus his conclusion that without a governing body, we are essentially at war with one another is not completely true as years of evolution can help disprove.
These criticisms, however, do not stand up to careful examination, and it is my opinion that John Rawls’ principles are in good standing. Works Cited Brock, Gillian. Phil 103 Freedom, Rights and Justice: Philosophy Department, University of Auckland, 2011. Mill, John S. On Liberty. 4th ed.
Hobbes was a strong believer in the thought that human nature was evil. He believed that “only the unlimited power of a sovereign could contain human passions that disrupt the social order and threatened civilized life.” Hobbes believed that human nature was a force that would lead to a constant state of war if it was not controlled. In his work the Leviathan, he laid out a secular political statement in which he stated the significance of absolutism.
he attempt to appeal to what alone would attract their own self-interest. Thus, the argument itself is utilitarian in nature and character that it will be to every man’s interest in the future to follow these rules. Because if the rules are followed and fulfilled, he will get the peace and security which he desires that the security which will relieve his fear and the peace which will enable him to satisfy his various desires. This argument, in fact, is unsatisfactory because Hobbes recognizes the breakdown and he also knows no other consideration which would lead men to be obedient and amenable to social discipline that he has to appeal, over and above utilitarian in discipline, the force as the factor which will be introduce and maintain order.
Interesting you bring this up because I have a similar approach and after discussing in class Hobbes's proposals and some of his up-bringing I find it quite ironic that being a man that believed, or at least wanted to believe in a monarchical society, accused many of arming themselves and locking their doors and chests(Pg. 43) when he himself basically proved Hume correct. "Morality and our choices are guided by our feelings, opposed to some sort of abstraction." (Hume PPT) Having Hobbes himself flee for his safety during the war doesn't that make him part of that "protecting something due to fear" population that he so often accused?(Pg. 43) This is why I disagree with Hobbes. You cannot force society to give up their freedom much less their