Since 1972, the British Government has had mixed successes trying to establish peace in Northern Ireland. 1972 was the peak of the British unpopularity in Ireland, with the events of Bloody Sunday still fresh on the public consciousness; the Sunningdale agreement was drawn up. The Unionists saw this as a betrayal, giving into the southern rebels, and the IRA thought that this was an attempt to get the Southern Government to officially recognise the partition. Sunningdale fell almost immediately after a general strike proving the British had to change their strategy in order to achieve their goal of peace.
However, the public’s mood was beginning to change, and with groups such as the Peace People founded by Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan,
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But success later came, and it was largely due to the British bringing in an independent mediator. They had learned that the Irish felt constantly attacked by the British, so the introduction of an outsider to sort out the problems was a breath of fresh air, especially given the fact he was American, a place seen to be sympathetic to the Irish Independent cause. The Senator George Mitchell renewed faith, and his “Mitchell Principles” were accepted by Sinn Fein. The IRA, however, denied the principles, and this deviation from Sinn Fein started to show the formation of a split between paramilitaries and extremist political parties in Ireland. This was revolutionary, showing that the political opinion was becoming less radical, and paved the way to peace in later …show more content…
Immediate full-scale reform of the police force has made Northern Ireland a fairer and safer place for Catholics, along with equal representation for Protestants and Catholics. The 2001 decommissioning of Unionist weapons and the IRA putting their weapons beyond use has removed the constant threat of violence, although splinter groups still remain, this has removed the near-constant violence seen before. And whilst extremist parties hold a large chunk of the seats in parliament, this perhaps reflects the fact they are now less extreme, and more reasonable as political parties. The turbulence seen in the early stages of the Assembly did not deter the British from giving it a second chance, and after a long period of suspension, it was reinstated in May 2007, a major success for the British, as it shows that Northern Ireland is stable enough to control itself without constant supervision from
Consistancy in Britain's Policy in Ireland in the Period 1798-1921 Social policy – in the 1830’s, Ireland had the best health Land and Economic policy – land issues were ignored until 1870: - first land Act – irrelevant - second land Act – political rather than economic - Wyndham Act – the government was becoming less and less convinced that property was the ‘bedrock of civilisation’ – it was the product of a shift in mentality. - 1890’s – HUGE economic reforms Political policy – consistently ignored or opposed any nationalist movement Concession/coercion – always a combination. However, there were more concessions as the century wore on. Religious policy – after 1829, the government was always prepared to grant religious reforms – e.g. the abolition of tithes in the 30’s, the Maynooth Grant and Charitable Bequests Act in the 1840’s, the Disestablishment of the Church of Ireland in 1869.
The Irish Republican Army was a well-known terrorist organization originating in Dublin, Ireland. The IRA (Irish republican Army) used irregular military tactics including ambushes, sabotage, raids, and petty warfare against the United Kingdom. The IRA raged Guerilla warfare against the British, creating the Irish War of Independence. Even though the Irish Republic Army is no longer active, in their time they wreaked havoc any many different people. In this essay, the description of the group, historical and past events of the group and recent activities will be discussed.
Scottish devolution, with its advantages and disadvantages, is the best example of how great political and social changes can be achieved not through bloody revolution but with the patience, intelligence and hard work of a united country but is still a work in progress.
In order to legitimise a regime or cause, traditions may be constructed around historical or mythological events, people or symbols that reinforce the image required to focus people’s conception of the past. People can be encouraged to invent a cohesive view of their shared ‘traditions’ by what could be called cherry picking bits of history.
...ehind leaders such as Wolf Tone, pledging their support in the form of the United Irishmen. Even though the 1798 Uprising would ultimately fail, this milestone in Irish history had the other citizens of Ireland that the Catholics were willing to lay aside their past differences for the betterment of their nation. This begs the question that will they continue to work together in the future. Based off the past evidence, Protestants and Catholics have little to lose in assisting each other and having Ireland progress into a nation that is one unified completely. What needs to happen though is that each side has to lay out the terms with no outside influence. There can be no ambiguous statements surrounding these terms and officials have to free of bias, as much as a person can be, to effectively write equal terms that ensure economic progress and religious tolerance.
"Tell us what you think of GOV.UK” Establishing stability in Afghanistan. 12 Dec. 2012. 14 Apr. 2014 .
British- Irish relations over the past three hundred years have been troubled. There have been many tensions caused by religion in Northern Ireland and Britain's unfair rule of Northern Ireland. The British are guilty of many of the indignities suffered by the Irish people. They are also guilty of causing all of the religious and territorial conflicts between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland. The division between Northern and Southern Ireland dates back to the 16th century.
The troubles emerged as the result of several years of the escalating incidents between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland. The troubles have been protracted and costly in every sense of the world. From the first civil rights marches in 1968 till the signing of The Good Friday Agreement in 1998, 3,500 people died and over 35,000 were injured in Northern Ireland as the direct result of the aggressive violence , rebellion, bombings, murders, and terror tactics. The Catholic and Protestant troubles and conflicts had a significantly impact on Ireland. This serious issue had impacted the lives of individuals and families that took place or witness the gruesome events that the troubles had causes, the political change and reform of the government of Ireland, and as well as the economic downturn and recession. Ireland was also extremely affected by the arising conflicts ; The Loyalists (Protestants) wanted Northern Ireland to remain within the United Kingdom, whereas The Nationalists (Catholics) wanted to be separate from the United Kingdom and rejoined with United Ireland. This skirmish between those who wished for Northern Ireland to remain a part of the United Kingdom and those who wished to see the reunification of the Island of Ireland. This conflict was underpinned by several issues such as: historical, religious, economic, political, and psychological. The small Catholic groups who lived in the Protestant province had no easy life, and they did not have the same rights or opportunities that the Protestants had, they were discriminated against in all aspects of life, they barely found jobs, got less money from the government and were often harassed by the police. Both Protestant and Catholics formed paramilitary organiza...
Northern Ireland has remained in a state of conflict for much of the past century ("A brief history," n.d.). Those unacquainted with the struggle might assume the cause is mainly about religious distinctions since the two sides are almos...
The Irish and British governments fought for many years over the ownership of Northern Ireland. Britain had main control over Northern Ireland, and Ireland did not think that was fair. Be...
The poet Keats wrote that “the only means of strengthening one’s intellect is to make up one’s own mind about nothing – to let the mind be a thoroughfare for all thought, not a select body”. That this may be an admirable aim for a poet, and especially so for one writing against a background of ethnic violence, is not in doubt. It is, however, extremely difficult to remain neutral when one identifies oneself with an ethnic party involved in conflict. It is my intention, then, in this essay, to document how Seamus Heaney’s reaction to violence in his homeland has affected his writings, with particular reference to the volume of poetry entitled “North”. This volume first appeared in 1975, a year after the collapse of the so-called Sunningdale Agreement, a power-sharing executive which came into being at the start of 1974 and had brought for many and certainly for Catholic nationalists a certain hope. However, shortly after its introduction, the IRA declared that “the war goes on” and a 15 day strike by loyalist workers brought the Faulkner-led government to disbandment. Thus, 1974 and 1975 saw some of the darkest days of the northern “troubles”. Heaney then is forced to react to the maelstrom in which he finds himself, much like Yeats after the 1916 rising, and like Yeats, he finds himself unsure of his position. Unlike Yeats, however, he is not a well-established, mature poet and upon being presented with an era which will shape the future of Ireland, he is often found wanting.
Ireland, On the Verge of a Civil War: Nationalists and Unionists Joining Forces to Aid Great Britain in World War I
John Coakley & Michael Gallagher (2010) Politics in the Republic of Ireland, 5th edn., Abingdon, Oxon: PSAI Press.
In their book, Smith and Wistrich state that Britain sensed a problem in the identity once there has been devolution of power to Scotland and Wales in 1998 (2009). It maybe true that Scots and Welsh feel more attached to their own na...
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (London: 2005). pp. 51, 71-72. Accessed May 3, 2014. http://www.jhud.co.uk/huddleston/uk2005_tcm77-248610.pdf.