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In the past years, Brazil has celebrated itself as a great economic performer with emerging markets and increasing influence on the international stage. However, in 2013, Brazil was paralyzed by huge demonstrations expressing deep discontent with their governments’ performance. In this paper, I look at the sudden onset of the protest and the absence of it in the previous years. I will argue that despite these protests, the government of Brazil maintains a hegemonic culture that propagates its own values and practices. Brazil experiences the process of modernization from the above, which does not quite reflect the demands of the lower class. Using Brazil as an example, I will expand on how the political leadership establishes and maintains its control.
Gramsci conceived of hegemony when he was imprisoned by Mussolini’s Fascist regime. He was interested in understanding how a state could remain in power and maintain its control even when so many people were oppressed by it. Gramsci developed his concept of hegemony to understand how forces of power can lead people in the lower class to maintain the status quo rather than rebel against it even in the face of oppression. He maintained that control does not always happen through violence or political and economic coercion but also through ideology. He states that hegemony is the “political leadership...consent in the life and activities of the state and civil society” (Gramsci SPN Q10,I§12). In this sense, Hegemony is defined as, “the ‘spontaneous’ consent given by the great masses of the population to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant fundamental group” (Lears 1985: 568).
Gramsci would consider the counter movement of the low and middle class in Brazil to b...
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...he notion of hegemony to alert the proletariat of their oppression, he did not view hegemony as fundamentally negative. The rise of the proletariat in Brazil requires a new hegemony that may indeed have positive social effects.
Gramsci’s notion of hegemony is a useful tool in understanding power dynamics. Gramsci makes power movable with his insight that all social systems of inequality have hegemony. Hegemony can even absorb movements initially hostile to the power system. The protests in Brazil illustrate the ability of the hegemony to absorb the counter movement into the capitalist hegemonic system. The groups’ rebellious demands of transport fare reduction, better health and education were funneled into the capitalist hegemon. This example of how full-flown protests and its demands can be made structure friendly to the system shows how pervasive hegemony can be.
Models for post-revolutionary Latin American government are born of the complex economic and social realities of 17th and 18th century Europe. From the momentum of the Enlightenment came major political rebellions of the elite class against entrenched national monarchies and systems of power. Within this time period of elitist revolt and intensive political restructuring, the fundamental basis for both liberal and conservative ideology was driven deep into Latin American soil. However, as neither ideology sought to fulfill or even recognize the needs or rights of mestizo people under government rule, the initial liberal doctrine pervading Latin American nations perpetuated racism and economic exploitation, and paved the way for all-consuming, cultural wars in the centuries to come.
"Oppression can only survive through silence" said Carmen de Monteflores and history proved this concept most thoroughly. However, the oppressed groups are generally not silent at all. They revolt, get violent, and are repressed again. This is not a rule, just a simple generalization and, of course, there are numerous exceptions. There is always a possibility that these downtrodden factions will get together to form a strong opposing force that will be an equal or almost equal rival to those that oppress. The coercion of the working class continued throughout the eighteenth century. Horrible working conditions, poverty, and hunger were blooming in the world of the industrial proletariat. The fruitless revolts did not change the situation and just when it seemed like the treatment of the waged people could not get any worse, the resolution appeared in all its glory. This historical period (1860-1914) could be best described using the Hegelian philosophy. The constant oppression of the working class will serve as thesis. The antithesis would come with the unification of the proletariats, forming the trading unions. The role of synthesis is given to the emergence of political democracy and mass political parties.
To say that many countries in Latin-American and in Europe are machistas is not a surprise for anyone. People who have born in Spain or in Mexico, Cuba, Venezuela grew in a society with fewer rights for women than men. The word machismo means "arrogant attitude of men towards women". This occurs in every single moment in our lives from our born to our death. But, at this moment I want to analyze the machismo in three areas: family, school and work.
The discourse of self-definition in Brazil is based on perceptions of economic success, material value and social prestige. Throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, there was a general scramble to reconstruct individual identity in social success and achievement. “Assertions of moral and cultural (class and racial) superiority” make up the discourses of national and regional identity, while simultaneously setting up the social building blocks of discrimination and stratification (25). Through the strange consumption of not only goods, but the commodification of experiences, the Brazilian middle class sought to redefine their lives and social status, and ultimately create a world that thrives on social division and prejudice.
Gramsci's most prominent inheritance to the discipline of cultural studies is the concept of hegemony - to refer to a condition in the process in which a dominant class (in alliance with other classes or class fractions) does not merely rule a society but leads it through the exercise of ‘intellectual and moral leadership' (Storey, 2009:79). Its prevalence roots itself in mass consensus, suggesting a stable society operating within a concord, albeit the overhead oppression and exploitation. With the entirety of the following argument resting upon which ‘hegemony' is defined, it is worth noting that Gramsci's contextualization of the term has two facets in itself. He paints on one side of the coin, its disparity against "domination", pinned
Routledge, P. "Resisting and reshaping destructive development: social movements and globalising networks." Geographies of Global Change (2002): 310-327.
Introduction Brazil is the largest and most populous country in South America. It is the 5th largest country worldwide in terms of both areas (more than 8.5 Mio. km2) and inhabitants (appr. 190 million).
Brazilian Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 24, No. 4 (96), Pp. 489-497 Sherman, H., 1995. Democracy and Capitalism. Reinventing Marxism, JohnsHopkins University Press, pp.
Le Guin suggests the need for permanent revolution to counter such threats as an incipient bureaucracy and a tendency toward dominance games. Marx used the term “permanent revolution” to describe the strategy of a revolutionary class to continue to pursue its class interests independently and without compromise, despite overtures for political alliances and the political dominance of opposing sections of society. In Can the Subaltern Speak? Spivak explores contemporary relations of power and Western intellectual discourse through representation and the political economy of global capitalism. In place of Earth's global capitalism I will be exploring Urras and Annares' relationship with themselves and each other. Urras and Anarres each view themselves as establishers of the good society.
...tem. These traits are typical of what has happened throughout history when normal people become subordinate to new and oppressive bureaucracies. It seems that all a treacherous government needs in order to normalize the most disgusting violations of basic human rights is a convincing façade of efficiency. It could be said that the American Dream plays that role in current American society, that it is purely a façade to blind our eyes to the larger system. If the system succeeds in preventing people from gaining awareness of the larger picture, and indeed further compartmentalizes every aspect of life, the line between just and false laws become blurred. Gilliam uses “Brazil” to bring these often overlooked problems with government to the forefront of his viewer’s mind, making apparent that no element of human life is safe from this type of unconscious degeneration.
Pinheiro P. S., 2002, The Paradox of Democracy in Brazil vol. III, issue 1, University of Sao Paulo
Powercube.net. 2014. Hegemony and invisible power | Understanding power for social change | powercube.net | IDS at Sussex University. [online] Available at: http://www.powercube.net/other-forms-of-power/hegemony-and-invisible-power/ [Accessed: 23 Mar 2014].
Barthes is concerned with the role of myth in modern society, how it is constructed and sustains meaning as a systematic force. By myth, he means ideology understood as a body of ideas and practices, which by actively promoting the values and interests of dominant groups in society, defend the prevailing structures of power. This also relates to Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony. Gramsci used the term hegemony to denote the predominance of one social class over others. This represents not only political and economic control, but also the ability of the dominant class to project its own way of seeing the world so that those who are subordinated by it, accept it as 'common sense' and 'natural'.
“A formal public commitment to legal racial equality, for example, had been the price of mass support for Latin American’s independence movements. In the generation following independence, the various mixed-race classifications typical of the caste system were optimistically banished from census forms and parish record keeping.” This was meant to make all slaves citizens, equal to all other citizens. Slavery receded in Latin America, except in non-republican Brazil, Cuba, and Puerto Rico. However, Brazil’s pursuit of independence was the least violent and provoked the least amount of change. The case of Brazil suggests that retention of colonial institutions such as monarchies lent to stability. “Brazil had retained a European dynasty; a nobility of dukes, counts, and barons sporting coats of arms; a tight relationship between church and state; and a full commitment to the institution of chattel slavery, in which some people worked others to death.”
Moreover, Fairclough has highlighted the fact that language is highly manipulative in nature as it is used as an agent of hegemony. By hegemony, the sub-ordinate class is made to think that the dominant group has all the rights to rule over them and to deal them as per their choice and interests. Such mindset is shaped by using several ideological means. Gramsci (1996) opines that the ruling