Introduction Harriet Martineau (1802-1876) was born in Britain but became very interested later in life with the American system of democracy. Martineau was an exceptional and inspirational woman for a plethora of reasons. She not only wrote under her own name which was an extreme rarity at the time, she made her livelihood through her writings and was considered by many to be the first female sociologist (McDonald 1996, 167). During Martineau’s life, women had very few rights and slavery was still a commonplace that she spoke out against. Martineau was a strong supporter of the anti-slavery movement, the vote for women, women’s education, divorce, and violence against women (McDonald 1996, 167). These were very controversial topics and …show more content…
She questions how women and slaves are expected to follow the law when they have not actually nor virtually given any assent to said law (Martineau 1836, 200). In response to these questions, she states that a plausible answer has not been developed and she does not have suggestions for how it can be devised (Martineau 1836, 200). She further questions why there appears to be the popular belief that political duties are incompatible with the other duties women hold which is why they are excluded from the public sphere of life, she criticizes this by stating God gave time and power for all duties (Martineau 1836, 201). Additionally, Martineau questions what exactly the ‘sphere of women’ entails, claiming that the meaning constructed by men is incorrect. She stipulates that women have the power to represent their own interests and cannot be denied until they have at least tried (Martineau 1836, 206). Martineau asks many questions about why women and slaves are seen as inferior, however, the answers she receives prove that the subjugating of these people is completely …show more content…
They are not “just” as they are not derived from the consent of the women thus governed.” (Martineau 1836, 199). Based on this quote one can ascertain that Martineau would certainly not approve of the fact that young girls like Malala are being prevented from receiving an education. In Martineau’s time, women were not banned necessarily from reading and learning, however, it was generally frowned upon and many were unable to find a suitable teacher. On the other hand, Malala and the other girls in her village were completely banned from school and the punishment for those who did not comply was most
Both Mary Wollstonecraft and Sor Juana de la Cruz are writers of the Enlightenment period, but they each approach women’s rights in a different way. While De la Druz was a Catholic nun from Mexico ad preferred to study and be alone, Wollstonecraft asserted women’s rights for all through publications directed at the masses. During the Enlightenment, people began to question old authoritative models like the Church. Our texts states, “thinkers believed inreason as a dependable guide. Both sides insisted that one should not take any assertion of truth on faith, blindly following the authority of others; instead, one should think skeptically about causes and effects, subjecting all truth-claims to logic andrational inquiry” (Puchner 92). Indeed,
Since the beginning of the 17th-century and earlier, there has always been different perspectives on women 's rights. Men and women all over the world have voiced their opinion and position in regard to the rights of women. This holds especially true in the United States during the 18th and 19th century. As women campaigned for equality, there were some who opposed this idea. There was, and always will be a series of arguments on behalf of women 's rights. Anti-women 's rights activists such as Dr. John Todd and Pro-women 's rights activist Gail Hamilton argued intelligently and tactfully on the topic. There were many key arguments made against women’s rights by Dr. John Todd, and Gail Hamilton 's rebuttal was graceful and on par with her male counterpart. Let 's examine some of Dr. John 's arguments against women 's equality.
I have read Kathryn Kish Sklar book, brief History with documents of "Women's Rights Emerges within the Antislavery Movement, 1830-1870" with great interest and I have learned a lot. I share her fascination with the contours of nineteenth century women's rights movements, and their search for meaningful lessons we can draw from the past about American political culture today. I find their categories of so compelling, that when reading them, I frequently lost focus about women's rights movements history and became absorbed in their accounts of civic life.
Up until and during the mid -1800’s, women were stereotyped and not given the same rights that men had. Women were not allowed to vote, speak publically, stand for office and had no influence in public affairs. They received poorer education than men did and there was not one church, except for the Quakers, that allowed women to have a say in church affairs. Women also did not have any legal rights and were not permitted to own property. Overall, people believed that a woman only belonged in the home and that the only rule she may ever obtain was over her children. However, during the pre- Civil war era, woman began to stand up for what they believed in and to change the way that people viewed society (Lerner, 1971). Two of the most famous pioneers in the women’s rights movement, as well as abolition, were two sisters from South Carolina: Sarah and Angelina Grimké.
In the weekly readings for week five we see two readings that talk about the connections between women’s suffrage and black women’s identities. In Rosalyn Terborg-Penn’s Discontented Black Feminists: Prelude and Postscript to the Passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, we see the ways that black women’s identities were marginalized either through their sex or by their race. These identities were oppressed through social groups, laws, and voting rights. Discontented Black Feminists talks about the journey black feminists took to combat the sexism as well as the racism such as forming independent social clubs, sororities, in addition to appealing to the government through courts and petitions. These women formed an independent branch of feminism in which began to prioritize not one identity over another, but to look at each identity as a whole. This paved the way for future feminists to introduce the concept of intersectionality.
All women should hold rights equal to men because a society governed by men and women as a unit would promote stability and peace. In “The Destructive Male” written by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Stanton argues through diction and the employment of ethos, pathos, and logos that giving rights to women, and allowing women to hold positions in politics and government, would be beneficial to the whole of society.
Yellin, Jean Fagan, and John C. Horne. The Abolitionist sisterhood: women's political culture in Antebellum America. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994.
The need for women’s rights began back in colonial America where women were referred to as “inferior beings”. This era, though it is not particularly noted for it’s feminist movements, did hold such people as Margaret Brent, who was a wealthy holder of land in Maryland and was a strong, but unsuccessful voice in securing a place for women in the legislature of the colony. It was also a period where Quakers, and many other individuals, such as famous American patriot, Thomas Paine, supported the rights of women, but at the time it was not enough to make a significant difference and it wasn’t until the 19th century that women would get the real chance to make a difference. One of the main leaders in the Women’s Rights movement was Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who was born in Jamestown, New York on November 12th, 1815 into a strict Presbyterian home. She attended Johnstown Academy, where only boys were admitted, but because of her sex she could not attend colleges that offered higher degrees, so she was accepted into Emma Willard’s academy in Troy, New York where she graduated in 1832.
As the years dragged on in the new nation the roles of men and women became more distinct and further apart for one another. Women were not allowed to go anywhere in public without an escort, they could not hold a position in office let allow vote, and they could only learn the basics of education (reading, writing, and arithmetic). In law the children belonged to the husband and so did the wife’s property and money. The only job women could think about having was being a ‘governess’ which would give other women education.
The reform movements in the 19th century significantly represented many conflicts, which inevitably lead into the Civil War. Many people thought it was time to stand up for recognition and to transform America’s economy. This was certainly among ordinary Americans who felt the deep sense of commitment into highlighting their concerns out to the open public. The religious zeal founded in these people emanated from the Second Great Awakening. This wave greatly influenced minorities, such as slaves and women to break from their enslaving chains and emancipate themselves into suitable circumstances. However, as these issues began to arise, slavery received the most attention. By this means that reforms, such as women’s rights, were eclipsed and women once again waited another long years to receive their rights. As looking back at history, women were the last “species” to receive the same rights as men. Let alone the lifestyle created purposely for women, like the cult of domesticity, that showed home as a women’s sphere. Yet women referred home as a glide cage. Despite that men continued to look at women as helpless species, many respective women, during the antebellum period, showed the society just what a woman could do as to speaking their invaluable truths, hosting meetings, and participating in numerous protests that signified a woman’s capability. Meaning by this is women got involved into other movements not concerning them at all, for their evangical spirit drove them into working for the human goodness.
It was not until after abolitionist groups formed and began fighting slavery that women began to realize they had no rights themselves and began their own fight; therefore, the women’s rights movements of the nineteenth century emerged out of abolition activism. Without the sense of gendered ethical power that abolition provided women, any sort of activism either would never have occurred, or would have simply died out. The women’s rights movement was a way for women to seek remedy of industrialization; frustration over lack of power that lead to the call for women’s rights. Without the radical activists for abolition, like the Grimké sisters advocating for equality, a standard would never have been set and no real progress would have ever been made.
Wollstonecraft, Mary. “A Vindication of the Rights of Women with Structures on Political and Moral
Pedriana argues that the reason laws are so hard to mobilize is because of how complex the laws are. When it came to women advocates, such as NOW, they were encouraged to frame the movement around legal rights. Which incorporated competing constructions of women’s roles at work and in society (paragraph 2, 1750). The women’s movement was successful in strategizing over protective policies. They did this by framing the debate over reproductive rights and individual right to privacy. The right to privacy frame did not replace the equal treatment frame, it assisted or complemented it by expanding the
Mary Wollstonecraft was a self-educated, radical philosopher who wrote about liberation, and empowering women. She had a powerful voice on her views of the rights of women to get good education and career opportunities. She pioneered the debate for women’s rights inspiring many of the 19th and the 20th century’s writers and philosophers to fight for women’s rights, as well. She did not only criticize men for not giving women their rights, she also put a blame on women for being voiceless and subservient. Her life and, the surrounding events of her time, accompanied by the strong will of her, had surely affected the way she chose to live her life, and to form her own philosophies.
“The Rights of Woman” by Anna Letitia Barbauld was written in 1825 and according to the text, a “a response—seemingly favorable until the last two stanzas—to Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication in of the Rights of Woman” (48). Barbauld herself received an interesting education, not only from her father, but through “exposure to an educational system that the Dissenters had designed with their sons in mind” (39). Barbauld’s poem, specifically the start of it, is an empowering take on a serious issue of the time. Despite the odd direction it takes as it ends, it still provides a certain call to arms for women. Her poem certainly brings forth confusion over what Barbauld was feeling, considering how the poem begins with an affirmative “yes” and