The 1982 Falklands/Malvinas dispute between Great Britain and Argentina was inevitable because the two nations had such different views and priorities on land sovereignty. Britain’s constant postponements and withdrawals on conceding Argentina sovereignty over the land strengthened Argentinian feelings of nationalism and undermined any and all intentions of peaceful negotiations. The only plausible way that Argentina could have been convinced to withdraw before war broke out would have been during the initial stages of conflict. The only convincing tactic against Argentina would have been using force, but “a costly defence commitment to some remote imperial outpost” was the last thing either party wanted (37).
Both parties believed they had a rightful, historical claim over the Falkland Islands previous to 1982 when the conflict ensued. The United Kingdom’s justification was that an English explorer had been the first to set foot on and colonize the islands in 1690. Even when Argentinian inhabitants colonized the land in 1823, the British gradually replaced them and inhabited the land for over 150 years. In contrast, the Argentine’s claim rested on continuity from Spain, and on a 1771 Anglo-Spanish agreement where the British had made no claim of sovereignty (35). The modern history of this conflict began in 1965 with the UN’s involvement on the matter, but became prominent in 1981. The UN strongly advised that the two resolve the issue peacefully; paranoid reverberations from the Cold War were still universally existent at this time. Argentina and Britain both agreed that they did not want to combat; this was especially the case for Argentina, which was undergoing changes in power regime, and suffering from economic issues and a ...
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...suffered more as they also dealt with domestic civil unrest and imposed trade embargos on top of the Falklands/Malvinas dispute.
It was only a matter of time before Argentina finally resorted to physical action. It was impossible for this nation to renounce its sovereignty after all the time and effort it had spent on obtaining the islands, and Galtieri even admitted that he “could not withdraw both his military and his administrative presence from the Malvinas and last a week” (57). Surrendering the Malvinas would mean automatic devastation of the entire country—Argentina would never be the same as Galtieri would be overthrown from power and more civil unrest would ensue. Therefore, Argentina could not have been convinced to withdraw from war. The Argentinians did all they could to avoid war for a very long time, but there is only so much that someone can tolerate.
War is the means to many ends. The ends of ruthless dictators, of land disputes, and lives – each play its part in the reasoning for war. War is controllable. It can be avoided; however, once it begins, the bat...
For four hundred years Spain ruled over an immense and profitable global empire that included islands in the Caribbean, Americas, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. After the Napoleonic Wars (1808-1815) many of Spain’s colonies followed the US’s lead, fighting and winning their independence. These revolts, coupled with other nations chipping away at Spain’s interests, dwindled Spain’s former Empire. By 1860, only Cuba and Puerto Rico were what remained of Spain’s former Empire. Following the lead of other former Spanish colonies, Cuban fighters started their campaign for independence, known as the Ten year war (1868-1878). This war developed into a Cuban insurgency which fought a guerilla war against the Spanish occupation.2
In Hasting’s article she explores the ways in which Canada sought to annex Britain’s West Indies colonies in the early twentieth century. One of the major benefits of expanding into the West Indies was to increase trading and goods that were being traded, this was made possible with the expanding steamship technology that increased its commercial and passenger routes south. The second factor of Canada’s campaign to annex the West Indies was to prove itself as a new territory that was expanding it’s borders, which suggested Canada as a contender among other countries such as Britain and France who had a long history of colonization. Hasting’s explores the factors contributing to Canada’s anticipated success in annexing the West Indies. The article discusses Canada’s potential in trying to create harmonious political relationship with the Bahamas in 1911, and how the issue
Today I bring to your forefront of thought, the island of Hispaniola. This island is the namesake for the two countries who run the land, the Dominican Republic and Haiti. Both nations hail from a joint introduction into the world market and post-European colonization, but as time progressed, each one had a different outlook to the world stage. The present day Dominican Republic and Haiti are worlds apart on an island which keeps them together. Their culture is separated by the colonial residuals that lay imbedded into their communities. They are on different sides of the spectrum of structural growth due to the resulting outcomes from decades of political ruling and policy making. On one side we have the second independent state of the Americas,
As time passed, however, Britain’s standing a Great Power quickly diminished. Despite this, British possession of nuclear weapons, United Nations Security Council membership, access to political an...
Between 1898 and 1900, Puerto Rico came under the rule of a military regime imposed by the US Army. Under the provisions laid out by the Treaty of Paris, the US claimed the legal right to take possession of Puerto Rico as the spoils of War (Fernandez 3-4). Oddly, Ronald Fernandez in his The Disenchanted Island, appears surprised when he notes that "no Puerto Ricans were even part of the negotiating process..." However, in accordance with international law at the time, neither Spain, as the looser of the war, nor Puerto Rico, as the possession of the looser, were in the position to make any legal demands. Upon assuming the responsibility of Puerto Rico’s new colonial master, the US also accepted the "burden" to govern it because "the people of Puerto Rico were not ready f...
THESIS : “ The United States didn’t want to get involved in the Spanish-American War, but was dragged into it due to yellow journalism, they wanted to control the seas, and wanted complete control over Cuba.”
After the revolution of 1943 Juan Perón shared control of the Argentinean government. Under Pedro Ramirez, Perón held three cabinet positions. With that he saw an opportunity. He did many reform programs and won a lot of the support of labor unio...
Williams, Charles F. "War Powers: A New Chapter in a Continuing Debate." Social Education. April 2003: 128-133. SIRS Issues Researcher. Web. 07 May. 2014.
The government of the United States and of Oceania use war as a political tool to control the social views of the people, the products and wealth of the country, and the opinions of politicians and government officials. The ways in which war is used as a political tool includes controlling citizens, and products of a country. Both the country in 1984 and the United States use war in similar ways. When comparing the current time with the story of 1984 it is easy to see the similarities in how war is used as a political tool.
In response to unfavorable domestic conditions, Argentina’s military government sought self-promotion through invasion of the Falklands, yet failed to secure its own power and thus paved the way for a new political and economic order.
It is believed by many that 1898 was a year of liberation and domination because of the Spanish-American War (García 39). After the war had concluded Puerto Rico had finally, after centuries of Spanish rule, been free of the tyrannical policies of the Spanish government in the island; moreover, this led to the clear pavement of the path for domination of the island of Puerto Rico by the United States. For the years to come once the US takes control of Puerto Rico, US military leaders in order to create a stable political, economical, and social environment governed the people of Puerto Rico. After years of legislation and negotiations from Puerto Rico’s leadership, in 1952...
Between the years of 1976 to 1983, the period known as the ‘Dirty War’ was in full force in Argentina. During this period, thousands of people mysteriously went missing, and are referred to now as the ‘Disappeared’. It is believed that many of the disappeared were taken by agents of the Argentine government, and perhaps tortured and killed before their bodies were disposed of in unmarked graves or rural areas. Whenever the female captives were pregnant, their children were stolen away right after giving birth, while they themselves remained detained. It is estimated that 500 young children and infants were given to families with close ties to the military to be raised. Within this essay I would like to touch on the brief history of the Dirty war and why the military felt it was necessary to take and kill thousands of Argentina’s, and also the devastating affects the disappeared, and stolen children are having on living relatives of those taken or killed. It is hard to imagine something like this happening in North America relatively recently. To wakeup and have members of your family missing, with no explanation, or to one day be told your parents are not biologically related is something Argentina’s had to deal with, and are continuing to face even today.
Rock, D. (1987). Argentina, 1516-1987: From Spanish Colonization to Alphonsín. Berkley: University of California Press.
The lives and prosperity of millions of people depend on peace and, in turn, peace depends on treaties - fragile documents that must do more than end wars. Negotiations and peace treaties may lead to decades of cooperation during which disputes between nations are resolved without military action and economic cost, or may prolong or even intensify the grievances which provoked conflict in the first place. In 1996, as Canada and the United States celebrated their mutual boundary as the longest undefended border in the world, Greece and Turkey nearly came to blows over a rocky island so small it scarcely had space for a flagpole.1 Both territorial questions had been raised as issues in peace treaties. The Treaty of Ghent in 1815 set the framework for the resolution of Canadian-American territorial questions. The Treaty of Sevres in 1920, between the Sultan and the victorious Allies of World War I, dismantled the remnants of the Ottoman Empire and distributed its territories. Examination of the terms and consequences of the two treaties clearly establishes that a successful treaty must provide more than the absence of war.