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Argentina's turbulent history
Argentina's turbulent history
Argentina's turbulent history
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Politics is one of the fundamental characteristics of a nation as political parties and policies shape a country’s development and economic stability. When looking at the political history of a nation or region is it impossible to fully understand its current state without investigating its political trajectory. Unlike the political system in The United States, Latin American countries possess a wider range of political factions accounting for a richer political history. An examination of Argentina, Mexico, Chile, and Venezuela's major political parties highlights how specific their policies frame our understanding of these nations’ development and democratic structures. In the case of Argentina, the two prominent parties are the Peronist …show more content…
The UCR started off as radical because their target demographic was the middle class who did not have the right to vote, but over time became increasingly elitist. Conversely the Peronist party, started by Juan Peron, targeted the working class, as Peron himself was a classical populist. The Peronist party does not possess a strong ideological platform but rather uses the flexibility of classical populism in order to gain and maintain national support. Peronist Presidents Juan Peron, Isabel Peron, Nestor Kirchner and Christina Fernandez de Kirchner all functioned as populist rulers who appealed to the lower-class workers, sometimes formal workers and other times informal, as a way to maintain power. However, Peronist President Carlos Menem did not follow a populist agenda and rather attempted to open Argentina's economy through neoliberal reforms, the most damaging of which was his Convertibility Plan. This reform deeply effected Argentina and hurt the popularity of the party. In general Peronist Presidencies were not known for their democratic policies, sometimes categorized as "semiauthortarian" in terms of civil rights policies. Moreover, all the administrations were ripe with corruption and not until the
Part I: “Consensus in Argentine Society and the Rise of Perón”. Chapter one, “ The Crisis of the Liberal Consensus” begins explaining the low participation of the Argentinean population in the government due to electoral fraudulence and intimidation. Then, he goes on to detailed how the democratic liberalism governmental system was threatened by the elites of Argentina because they fear the possible loss of their power from the new sectors that were rising. After, the author expressed that the
Models for post-revolutionary Latin American government are born of the complex economic and social realities of 17th and 18th century Europe. From the momentum of the Enlightenment came major political rebellions of the elite class against entrenched national monarchies and systems of power. Within this time period of elitist revolt and intensive political restructuring, the fundamental basis for both liberal and conservative ideology was driven deep into Latin American soil. However, as neither ideology sought to fulfill or even recognize the needs or rights of mestizo people under government rule, the initial liberal doctrine pervading Latin American nations perpetuated racism and economic exploitation, and paved the way for all-consuming, cultural wars in the centuries to come.
As the Latin American nations set out to construct a new government and society in the 1800´s, two opposing models aroused regarding which one would best benefit the countries. ¨Civilization vs. Barbarism¨ by Domingo Sarmiento, a recognized Argentinean revolutionary, contrasts Jose Marti´s ¨Our America¨ ideology which critiques U.S. capitalism and focuses on developing a good government based on the needs of the nations and each nation´s autochthony. Contrastingly, Sarmiento, guided by his beliefs in democratic principles, declares his preference towards the European urbanized way of life as the key to progress and stability for the nations. Despite the differences in the models proposed by Marti and Sarmiento for the New Nations to follow,
Time and rules have been transforming countries in many ways; especially, in the 1850’s and the 1920’s, when liberals were firmly in control across Latin American region. Liberalism can be defined as a dominant political philosophy in which almost every Latin American country was affected. A sense of progress over tradition, reason over faith, and free market over government control. Although each country was different, all liberals pursued similar policies. They emphasize on legal equality for all citizens, progress, free trade, anti-slavery, and removing power from church. Liberals declared promising changes for Latin American’s future. But Latin America had a stronger hierarchical society with more labor systems, nothing compare to the United States societies. Liberals weren’t good for Latin America. What I mean by “good” is the creation of a turning point or some type of contribution towards success. I define “good” as beneficial or helpful. The Latin American economy was stagnant between 1820 and 1850 because of independence wars, transportation and the recreation of facilities. I describe this era as, “the era when Latin America when off road”.
...nuel Antonio, Newman, Edward. Democracy in Latin America: (Re)Constructing Political Society. The United Nations University Press, 2001. New York, N.Y.
The Allies’ victory in WWII marked democracy’s triumph over dictatorship, and the consequences shook Latin America. Questioning why they should support the struggle for democracy in Europe and yet suffer the constraints of dictatorship at home, many Latin Americans rallied to democratize their own political structures. A group of prominent middle–class Brazilians opposed to the continuation of the Vargas dictatorship mused publicly, “If we fight against fascism at the side of the United Nations so that liberty and democracy may be restored to all people, certainly we are not asking too much in demanding for ourselves such rights and guarantees.” The times favored the democratic concepts professed by the middle class. A wave of freedom of speech, press, and assembly engulfed much of Latin America and bathed the middle class with satisfaction. New political parties emerged to represent broader segments of the population. Democracy, always a fragile plant anywhere, seemed ready to blossom throughout Latin America. Nowhere was this change more amply illustrated than in Guatemala, where Jorge Ubico ruled as dictator from 1931 until 1944. Ubico, a former minister of war, carried out unprecedented centralization of the state and repression of his opponents. Although he technically ended debt peonage, the 1934 vagrancy law required the carrying of identification cards and improved ...
After the revolution of 1943 Juan Perón shared control of the Argentinean government. Under Pedro Ramirez, Perón held three cabinet positions. With that he saw an opportunity. He did many reform programs and won a lot of the support of labor unio...
Harry E. Canden. , & Gary Prevost, (2012). Politics Latin America. (4th ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.
Peeler, John A. Latin American Democracies. Chapel Hill, NC and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1985. Print.
The historian Ronn Pineo wrote “Beginning in the 1980s nearly all of Latin America began to take part in a great experiment, the adoption of capitalist free market economic policies.” (1) This great experiment began with the promotion of democracy and free market that promised a better future for Latin America. Neoliberalism, the economic ideology that promotes free-market capitalism, laid the foundation for many of the US military interventions and economic policies that caused a dramatic transformation of Latin America. This promise of a “democratic” government came from a policy initiative labeled as polyarchy. Polyarchy is “ a system in which a small group governs and mass participation in decision making is limited to choosing leaders in elections that are carefully managed by competing elites” (Lecture: Polyarchy and Resistance). It, however, was a sales pitch to continue Latin America’s subordinate position in to the global market. As a result, much of Latin America, by the late 1980 through the early 1990s, transitioned into this form of “democracy”. Consequently, Latin America suffered and still suffers today from underdevelopment, high levels of socioeconomic inequality, and immigration. Globalization of capital, off-shore production, and new technologies have created structural barriers and have
Various political groups and parties have attempted to appropriate the Revolution of 1910 as their own. The "official party"—the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI—has both claimed credit for implementing the ideals of the Revolution as well as received constant criticism for abandoning them. The Revolution was always an idea as much as it was a historical process. The "idea" of the Revolution is still very much at the center of Mexican politics today.
The Rise and Fall of Populism was a very interesting period between the times of 1892-1896. In 1890, the Populist movement arose primarily in response to the McKinley Tariff, which is a very high tariff that particularly hurt western and southern farmers who sold their harvest on unprotected markets but were forced to buy expensive manufactured goods. To protest the tariff, these farmers helped vote Republicans out of the House of Representatives in the 1890s congressional elections. “Frances Willard chaired the first convention of the Populist Party, also called the People's Party, in 1892 in Omaha, Nebraska.” (By 1900, the Populist Party was in decline. (n.d.).) When the elections of 1892 approached, the Farmers’ Alliance joined with liberal
Jorge Videla was the leader of the military-run government. At the time, it was very easy for Videla to seize power because of the highly unstable condition that Argentina was in, and had been in for decades. In September of 1955 all three branches of the military revolted and forced the president, Juan Perón, into exile. Eleven years later, in 1966, a new leader, Juan Carlos Ongania, imposed the military rule again only to have the former president, Perón, return in 1973, and ...
Juan Perón and Getúlio Vargas were very different in how they decided to do things while in power. Juan Peron felt as though more things could be accomplished with force while Getulio Vargas felt the complete opposite. Vargas tried his best to accomplish things without the feeling of force or violence. But somehow that didn't benefit him as much as you would think. It was almost as if people needed to be forced in order to actually listen, it was almost as if people could care less about was Vargas was trying to do to help everyone in Brazil. Vargas truly wanted change, “he proposed a comprehensive labor code, although union leaders -many of whom were communists and anarcho-syndicalists- did not support him, considering him just another incumbent politician. Is platform advocated the
Much G. L., 2004, Democratic Politics in Latin America: New Debates and Research Frontiers, Annual Reviews