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Strengths and weaknesses between judicial activism and judicial restraint
American justice system
Importance of judicial review
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The American Judicial system has proved to be more troublesome and controversial than the founding fathers would have imagined. The debate on whether judicial activism or judicial restraint is the best idea for the country to follow has been long living. Both judicial activism and judicial restraint are described as types of judicial review. While both can be beneficial, Judicial activism is clearly more important than the other. Judicial restraint is “The judicial philosophy whose adherents refuse to go beyond the text of the Constitution in interpreting its meaning.” In other words, judicial restraint is an idea that one should not interpret laws differently than what has been expressed in the Constitution. Judicial restraint is used
What this means is Justices were concerned with becoming involved in issues that were not their concern: Therefore, judicial restraint was justified. Justices who follow judicial restraint are also much more likely to uphold previous decisions made by the Supreme Court. For instance, “Judicial restraint has a long history in American legal theory and case law. U.S. Supreme Court decisions as early as Fletcher v. Peck (1810) state that judges should strike down laws only if they “feel a clear and strong conviction” of unconstitutionality” (1) In addition, the majority of Justices have used judicial restraint in order to, “allow the legislature
America is ever changing, therefore, the constitution should be interpreted differently as time goes by. As America is ever changing, so are its supreme court justices. As time passes, new Justices replace the old, and as a result, new opinions and beliefs replace those that were dominant for years. In many cases, new Justices are chosen and they turn the tide of the court and change the way rulings turn out in the future. For example, Justice O’connor, a liberal in most cases, was replaced by a conservative Justice Alito in 2006. This switch can change how the whole court operates. Once one group of Justices that have the same idea have the majority, it is very hard for the minority to rule on cases the way that they desire. This is similar to the way Congress works with Democrats and Republicans fighting for the majority. Throughout American history, Justices’ way of thinking can often be attributed to Judicial activism. Because Justices decisions are similar through similar cases, it is fairly easy to predict what an individual Justice’s ruling will be. In most cases, a Justice will use judicial restraint over and over again because it is his/her personal opinion to translate the Constitution perfectly. This same process is done in the opposite manner as well. Over time liberal and conservative justices have ruled over cases with their own views as their deciding
The court case of Marbury v. Madison (1803) is credited and widely believed to be the creator of the “unprecedented” concept of Judicial Review. John Marshall, the Supreme Court Justice at the time, is lionized as a pioneer of Constitutional justice, but, in the past, was never really recognized as so. What needs to be clarified is that nothing in history is truly unprecedented, and Marbury v. Madison’s modern glorification is merely a product of years of disagreements on the validity of judicial review, fueled by court cases like Eakin v. Raub; John Marshall was also never really recognized in the past as the creator of judicial review, as shown in the case of Dred Scott v. Sanford.
The majority therefore held that the detainees are entitled to challenge their detention by the writ of habeas corpus whereas Justice Scalia is still restricting himself on the interpretation of text of Constitution. By comparing the view of Justice Scalia and majority, it can be said that Justice Scalia had focused on the text of the Constitution (which is rigid and restricted) whereas the majority focused on the individual liberty (a more flexible view by allowing wider interpretation of the Constitution).
In Federalist 78, Alexander Hamilton argued that the Judicial Branch is the “least dangerous to the political rights of the Constitution" and that it is “beyond comparison the weakest of the three departments of power” since it has “neither force nor will, but merely judgment.” [*] While it is true that Hamilton wrote the Federalist Papers as propaganda to garner support for the Constitution by convincing New Yorkers that it would not take away their rights and liberties, it is also true that Article III of the Constitution was deliberately vague about the powers of the Judicial Branch to allow future generations to decide what exactly those powers should be. In the 1803 case of Marbury v. Madison, the Supreme Court, led by Chief Justice John Marshall, established the Court’s power of judicial review. However, as Jill Lepore, Harvard professor of American History, argued, “This was such an astonishing thing to do that the Court didn’t declare another federal law unconstitutional for fifty-four years” after declaring the Judicial Act of 1789 unconstitutional in Marbury v. Madison. [*Jill Lepore] Alexander Hamilton was incorrect in his assertion that the Judicial Branch is the least dangerous to political rights and the weakest of the three government branches because judicial review has made the Supreme Court more powerful than he had anticipated. From 1803 to today, the controversial practice of judicial activism in the Supreme Court has grown—as exemplified by the differing decisions in Minor v. Happersett and United States v. Virginia—which, in effect, has increased the power of the Supreme Court to boundaries beyond those that Alexander Hamilton stated in Federalist 78.
Federalist no. 78 is persistent in its sort of justifications of the Constitutions vagueness. The letter claims that the judiciary branch is of the least danger of t...
When the rights of the American citizen are on the line than the judiciary should utilize the powers invested in them to protect and enforce what is constitutional. However, in times of controversy, where personal preference or aspects of religious or personal nature are at hand, the judiciary should exercise their power with finesse, thereby acting out judicial restraint. An example of such is in the case of Engel v. Vitale where Mr. Justice Black delivered the opinion of the court directing the School District’s principal to read a prayer at the commencement of each school day. In cases that do not regard whether an action is constitutional or not, the judiciary should suppress their power of judicial review.
The United States of America is one of the most powerful nation-states in the world today. The framers of the American Constitution spent a great deal of time and effort into making sure this power wasn’t too centralized in one aspect of the government. They created three branches of government to help maintain a checks and balance system. In this paper I will discuss these three branches, the legislative, the executive, and the judicial, for both the state and federal level.
Strict constitution is a legal philosophy of judicial interpretation in which the original intent of the constitution holds that the Constitution means exactly what it says. Strict means limited government and mostly the governments are limited by the statues or formal written enactments. Statutes command or prohibit something, or declare policy that are laws made by legislative bodies and distinguished from case law which is decided by courts, and regulations issued by government agencies.
People have always been concerned about our judicial system making massive decisions in an undemocratic manner and while there are parts of our nation’s history (Jost). There have been decisions that were dreadful for our nation, Dred Scott v. Sandford; but there are decisions that everyone can agree with in retrospect, Brown v. Board of Education. Also, there are decisions that still divide us as a nation, Bush v. Gore and Roe V. Wade. There are a lot of issues that come from our current judicial system; however, I understand that the problems that come from it are not going to come from any quick fix, and we may have to live with some of them. Looking at the history of the judicial branch of the United States Government, I believe it needs to be limited in its judicial review power, but have certain exceptions where necessary in some cases.
views as to whether or not Judicial review, and the Supreme Court as a whole,
The significant impact Robert Dahl’s article, “Decision-Making in a Democracy: the Supreme Court as a National Policy-Maker” created for our thought on the Supreme Court it that it thoroughly paved the way towards exemplifying the relationship between public opinion and the United States Supreme Court. Dahl significantly was able to provide linkages between the Supreme Court and the environment that surrounds it in order for others to better understand the fundamental aspects that link the two together and explore possible reasoning and potential outcomes of the Court.
Judicial activism is loosely defined as decisions or judgements handed down by judges that take a broad interpretation of the constitution. It is a decision that is more of a reflection of how the judge thinks the law should be interpreted rather than how the law has or was intended to be interpreted. There are many examples of judicial activism; examples include the opinions of Sandra Day O'Connor in the Lynch v. Donnelly and the Wallace v. Jaffree trials. Sandra Day argues for the changing of the First Amendment's ban on "establishment" of religion into a ban on "endorsement" of religion. Others include US v. Kinder where our congress passed legislation that would require a minimum sentence for persons caught distributing more than 10 grams of cocaine. Judge Leval used a weighing method suggested by the sentencing commission rather than the method required by congress. The different method used did not trigger the mandatory sentence whereas the congressional method would have.
Then in 1969 Warren Burger was named Chief Justice. That is when the Court started to lean more to the conservatives. By 1989 during William Rehnquists leadership, which runs from 1986 to the present, the conservatives held a majority on most issues. One other Major thing that happened to the Supreme Court in the 1980’s was the appointment of the first lady Justice: Sandra Day O’Connor.
The Supreme Court, which sees almost 150 petitions per week, called cert petitions, must carefully select the cases that they want to spend their time and effort on (Savage 981). If they didn’t select them carefully, the nine justices would quickly be overrun, so they have put in place a program to weed through the court cases to pick out the small number they will discuss. There are a few criteria that are used to judge whether or not a case will be tried. The first is whether or not the lower courts decided the case based on another one of the Supreme Court’s decisions for they will investigate these in order to withhold or draw back their conclusion that they made in their court case. Another is the case’s party alignment: sometimes the justices will pick cases that will align with their party beliefs, like trying to get a death row inmate off of his death sentence. They also make claims about the “life” of the case- the Supreme Court only hears “live” cases- they do not try to go back in time and re-mark a case that has long since been decided (Savage 981). Lastly, they like to take cases where the lower courts did not decide with one another -these cases can have t o do with interpretations of the law that have been left up to the lower courts and should be specifically defined by the Supreme Court (Savage 982).
The Constitution or “the supreme law of the land”, as stated in article six in the constitution is very complex. It is complex not only in its actual text full of ambiguities and vagueness, but it becomes more complex when used in practice and interpreted. Constitutional interpretation is significant because it is what decides what the constitution actually means. Constitutional interpretation is a guide judges use to find the legal meaning of the constitution. The interpretation of the constitution and amendments can make a big impact on outcomes. In our government and Judiciary, we see commonly see originalism being used to interpret the constitution and amendments, but there
Robert N. Clinton, ‘Judges Must Make Law: A Realistic Appraisal of the Judicial Function in a Democratic Society’ [1981-1982] 67 Iowa L. Rev. 711 http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/ilr67&div=38&g_sent=1&collection=journals accessed 12 February 2012