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Essay what is the canadian constitution
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Outline Canada’s constitutional arrangement. Give a robust and well-supported explanation that outlines its historical origins, principles, and key legislation. (300 words) Canada is a constitutional monarchy where the parliament can make amendments to the constitution. What this means is that the monarch of the U.K. is the formal head of state. In this system, Canada has a constitution but also has some shared powers. In Canada, there are duties where the provinces or the national legislation has autonomy. In 1867, Canada passed the Constitution Act. The Constitution Act established three provinces and defined the structure of the Canadian government. In 1931, the Statue of Westminster …show more content…
determined that changes to the Constitution Act could only be made through Westminster. There were several additional key pieces of legislation that were creates to provide Canadians with individual rights. These pieces of legislation were the Canadian Bill of Rights (1960), and The Canada Act (1982). The Canadian Bill of Rights occurred during Prime Minster John Diefenbaker’s term. This legislation gave explicit rights to the Canadian individuals. In the Canada Act the Westminster decision making regarding the Statue of Westminster was ended. The constitution is the supreme law of Canada. The charter is applicable to the parliament and government. This idea that the government is held accountable comes from the English Civil War and the Magna Carta. In England there had been a history of abuses of power which Canada wanted to avoid. The Charter increases judge’s power. This was meant to protect against a tyranny of the majority and preserves individual right. 2.
What is the liberal idea of the rule of law? Give a robust and well-supported explanation that outlines its historical origins, principles, Canadian context, and critiques. (300 words) Liberalism is the protection of individual rights. Under the liberal idea of the rule law crimes must be proven in courts, no one is above the law and the judgements makes up the constitution One of the main court cases that defined the limits to protection of individual rights were R. v. Oakes in 1986. Under this case the limits to rights were permissible if the violation was sufficiently important, and there are measure to preserve rationality. Furthermore, a rights violation must impair the individual freedom as little as possible, and there must a proportional ratio of effects. The liberal rule of law has critics. These critics point to judge appointment and the democratic rights as potential problems with the liberal rule of law. Preventing the tyranny of the majority becomes important. Furthermore, there must be a line between individual rights and governmental policy. With that being said the rule of law acknowledges that the limit to personal right is when those rights infringe on another’s right. In the liberal rule of law there is one law that governs all. This means that minorities, immigrants and refugees are protected under the law. Additionally, there is not one person who is …show more content…
above the law. With that being said, a balance between the principles of the liberal rule of law and the democratic principle must be obtained. 3.
“A political system must also possess legitimacy, and in our political culture, that requires an interaction between the rule of law and the democratic principle... It would be a grave mistake to equate legitimacy with the ‘sovereign will’ of majority rule alone, to the exclusion of other constitutional values” (“Analysis of the Constitutional Principles”. In: Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217, 247-263). Drawing on this quote from Reference re Secession of Quebec, write a short essay arguing whether or not there is adequate interaction between the rule of law and democracy in the decision in Canada (Citizenship and Immigration) v. Harkat, 2014 SCC 37. Using the Harkat case and any other content from our course as your source material, give a robust and well-supported argument for your answer. In your response be sure to demonstrate your ability to construct a thesis statement and carry out a sustained argument, as well as use appropriate and correct facts from Harkat with proper referencing. (900 words) The case of Canada (Citizenship and Immigration v. Harkat is a case where the liberal idea of the rule of law is put to the test. In 2002, Mohammed Harkat was arrested in Canada for the purposes of preserving National Security. Since his arrest, Harkat has had to defend his ability to stay in Canada and has claimed innocence. The liberal rule of
law is one where the individual rights are preserved. Fundamental ideas about the liberal rule of law include that those accused of a crime are allowed to have a court hearing. However, in this case, it is alleged that Harkat’s arrest, detention, and eventual deportation are to preserve public safety. As such the question becomes what power does the Canadian government have to override the liberal rule of law and what powers do they have in these types of cases. The Harkat case is one where it is important that Canada maintains its liberal rule of law. The next decision regarding Harkat’s deportation could lead to an erosion of the Canadian protection of individual rights the has the potential to be a slippery slope to further erosions. Harkat is originally from Algeria. He immigrated to Canada with dreams for a peaceful future. However, after the U.S. terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, Harkat was arrested on a security certificate. According to Black (2016), “He has never been charged with a crime but has been held under the security certificate regime, which allows Parliament to deport foreign-born terrorism suspects. The Supreme Court ruled in 2014 that the security certificate policy was constitutional” (n.p.). In other words, despite the original decree that Canadians have the right to have a court hearing to have crimes proven this right was changed in response to the terrorist attacks. This change allowed for Harkat to be held indefinitely and even deported without a court hearing and without their being concrete evidence of a crime that had been committed. Furthermore, Harkat was never found guilty of an act of terrorism. According to the research, “Jackman agrees. “That’s the real root of the Harkat case: Islamophobia.” She maintains the Canadian government, after the U.S. terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, used security certificates to make a point, either to a specific community or Canadians generally, that the country is taking care of terrorists” (Black, 2016). In other words, the use security certificates were meant to send a message about Canada’s stance on terrorism. This harsh stance allowed for the Canadian government to intervene to protect public safety at the expense of individual rights. However, through using these certificate the rights of the individual are eroded, and it is unclear how much safety is protected as one does not know for sure if the person being held has committed a crime or not. A key element, in this case, is Harkat’s past in Algeria. As an immigrant from a region with ties to terrorism Harkat is exposed to bias and discrimination. According to the article, Should Trees Have Standing Toward Legal Rights for Natural Objects, “The fact is that each time there is a movement to confer rights onto some new entity the proposal is bound to sound odd or frightening” (Stone, p. 8). In this case, the fear that Harkat could be a terrorist is an integral aspect of the case. Furthermore, according to the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act the certificate only apply to non-citizens of Canada. The problem with the certificates is that there is a lack of evidence that supports the charge. In Canada, the Charter is supposed to protect individual rights. In this case, it seems as if the change in the issuing of security certificates has created a situation where one can be imprisoned and have consequences without being found guilty of a crime in a court of law. The Canadian Charter is supposed to protect individual rights. However, there are gaps and problems in the Canadian law. According to the research, “There are gaps in the law, particularly where statutory courts and administrative tribunals are concerned; these bodies may have the duty to abide by and apply the Constitution, but many do not have authority to grant a remedy that will do justice to the claimant. The courts cannot provide a complete solution since the assignment of jurisdiction is entirely a matter for the legislatures (McAllister, 2004, p. 5). In other words, the courts are limited in their powers and cannot always come to a just solution due to these gaps and limitations. This restriction means that even in cases like Harkat there can be a violation of the individual's rights due to the gap and due to changes to the constitution that tie the hands of the legislatures. Harkat currently faces deportation due to his suspected ties to terrorism. These ties have never been proven in a court of law and there is a lack of evidence he has committed a crime. To deport Harkat without known ties and a court finding him guilty of such violates the liberal rule of law and the preservation of individual rights. As such, it is recommended that the Canadian government not deport Harkat to preserve the intentions of the constitutional protections.
The inclusion of the Notwithstanding Clause in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was an invaluable contribution in the evolution of the liberal democratic state. Not an endpoint, to be sure, but a significant progression in the rights protection dynamic. Subsequent to its passage in 1982 it became the primary rights protecting mechanism, however, its raison d`etre was as a neccessary concession, the pivotal factor allowing the patriation of the constitution. Many legislators present at the constitutional conference in 1981 opposed in varying degrees the entrenchment of a "bill of rights" in the constitution. The premier of Saskatchewan, Allan Blakeney, A preeminent liberal legislator at the time, recognized this potential document as an invitation to judicial review. He feared a conservative judiciary might hinder enlightened policies and sought authority beyond the ambit of an entrenched rights protection act. At the other end of the political spectrum opposition was in the form of an allegiance to parliamentary supremacy as expressed most notably by Sterling Lyon, the conservative premier of Manitoba. Imbedding section 33, commonly referred to as the Notwithstanding Clause, into the constitutional document alleviated these concerns to a degree that permitted their compliance. It is well established that the impetus for the Notwithstanding Clause was of a political nature. To insert this so inspired clause into an intended sanctuary from capricious legislative acts appears tantamount to allowing the fox to guard the chicken coop. Conceivably the same legislative majority that would create the laws abridging rights could exem...
A century ago, Canada was under control by the British Empire. The battles we fought the treaties we signed and the disputes we solved all helped us gain independence from our mother country “Britain”. Canadians fought a long battle protecting others, and from these battles we gained our peaceful reputation and our independence from Britain. Canada became a nation on July, 1st 1867. Although we were an independent country, our affairs and treaties were all still signed by Britain.
The Fourteenth Amendment ultimately became the heart and soul of the modern American Constitution. Most of the legal battle’s surrounding the United States Bill of Rights have been to make it a truly national document – such that states may not violate its provisions. The Fourteenth Amendment finally made this possible. A more sudden, but perhaps equally profound event is the adoption in 1982 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Whereas before the adoption of the Charter Canadian legislatures were supreme, having power without limit within their jurisdictions, they now have debatable supremacy within altered jurisdictions.
Blair, Annice. Law in Action: Understanding Canadian Law. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Education Canada, 2003. Print.
The history between the British Empire and its dominions always was significantly distinguished through the strong ties which people connected to the mother-country of Britain. However, as always in history changes were about to happen as each dominion urged to become more and more independent. The end of this process is marked by the Statute of Westminster passed in 1931 which granted the former dominions full legal freedom and established legislative equality between the now self-governing dominions of the British Empire. Therefore, the Statute of Westminster is one of the most remarkable acts in Canadian history as it set the road to the development of Canada in which we live today.
The history of Canada was flooded with many influential and incredible events, particularly during World War 1 and World War 2. During the 20th century, Canada got more involved in worldwide events. It was a very important period for Canada; it was where they gained their independence and progressed as a country. After this century, Canada was considered an important and powerful country. The three main 20th century events in Canadian history are the battle of Vimy Ridge, the change of woman’s rights and the battle of Juno Beach.
MacDonnell, Vanessa A. "The Protective Function And Section 7 Of The Canadian Charter Of Rights And Freedoms." Review Of Constitutional Studies 17.1 (2012): 53-85. Academic Search Complete. Web. 16 Nov. 2013.
This great country known as Canada, is governed smoothly because of the agreements and rules that have been in place since the beginning of confederation. The Canadian Constitution is one example of these rules. The Canadian Constitution is not just one single documentation, it is a collaboration of documents that make up one enormous document (Dyck 261). The six basic principles of the constitution are: responsible government, federalism, judicial review, the rule of law, constitutional monarchy and democracy; which all helped to shape the Constitution and therefore Canada (Dyck 266).
The Dominion of Canada was not born out of nationalism or revolution.Prior to Canada’s Confederation, the Fathers of Confederation had numerous conferences and negotiations before officiating the independence of Canada. The first step to a build a nation was for all the British North American colonies of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and the Province of Canada to unite together as one nation in order to fulfill the dream of becoming a country. In this assignment, you will come across the three main conferences which were located in Charlottetown, Quebec and London that caused the birth of Canada’s nation.
Canada is a strong and independent country made up of thirteen unique provinces and territories. However, it took great efforts for Canada to become the united nation it is today. The British colonies were facing many problems. One solution for these issues was for the colonies to come together and form one county or nation. There were a number of different factors that pushed the colonies of British North America towards confederation. Due to political deadlock, economic challenges and pressure from the United States, confederation was absolutely necessary for the well-being and progress of Canada.
Democracy is more than merely a system of government. It is a culture – one that promises equal rights and opportunity to all members of society. Democracy can also be viewed as balancing the self-interests of one with the common good of the entire nation. In order to ensure our democratic rights are maintained and this lofty balance remains in tact, measures have been taken to protect the system we pride ourselves upon. There are two sections of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms that were implemented to do just this. Firstly, Section 1, also known as the “reasonable limits clause,” ensures that a citizen cannot legally infringe on another’s democratic rights as given by the Charter. Additionally, Section 33, commonly referred to as the “notwithstanding clause,” gives the government the power to protect our democracy in case a law were to pass that does not violate our Charter rights, but would be undesirable. Professor Kent Roach has written extensively about these sections in his defence of judicial review, and concluded that these sections are conducive to dialogue between the judiciary and the legislature. Furthermore, he established that they encourage democracy. I believe that Professor Roach is correct on both accounts, and in this essay I will outline how sections 1 and 33 do in fact make the Canadian Charter more democratic. After giving a brief summary of judicial review according to Roach, I will delve into the reasonable limits clause and how it is necessary that we place limitations on Charter rights. Following this, I will explain the view Professor Roach and I share on the notwithstanding clause and how it is a vital component of the Charter. To conclude this essay, I will discuss the price at which democr...
Canada has a central government designed to deal with the country as a whole. Things like national defense, banking, currency, and commerce are controlled by the central government. All other matters are left to the provinces to deal with. Such as education, hospitals, and civil rights are responsibilities of the states. The Canadian Parliament consists of two houses. Their Senate is made up of 104 members who serve until the age of seventy-five.
Hundreds of years ago, the world was a completely different place. Religious views, the roles people fulfill, and even the overall quality of life have changed drastically over the course of time. This is especially shown through the contrast of the Feudal system and modern Canada.
Since federalism was introduced as an aspect of Canadian political identity, the country has undergone multiple changes as to how federalism works; in other words, over the decades the federal and provincial governments have not always acted in the same way as they do now. Canada, for example, once experienced quasi-federalism, where the provinces are made subordinate to Ottawa. Currently we are in an era of what has been coined “collaborative federalism”. Essentially, as the title would suggest, it implies that the federal and provincial levels of government work together more closely to enact and make policy changes. Unfortunately, this era of collaborative federalism may be ending sooner rather than later – in the past couple decades, the federal and provincial governments have been known to squabble over any and all policy changes in sectors such as health, the environment and fiscal issues. Generally, one would assume that in a regime employing collaborative federalism there would be a certain amount of collaboration. Lately, it seems as though the only time policy changes can take place the federal government is needed to work unilaterally. One area in which collaborative federalism has been nonexistent and unilateral federalism has prevailed and positively affected policy changes is in the Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector.
Modern day society is engrossed in a battle for protection of individual rights and freedoms from infringement by any person, be it the government or fellow citizens. Liberalism offers a solution to this by advocating for the protection of personal freedom. As a concept and ideology in political science, liberalism is a doctrine that defines the motivation and efforts made towards the protection of the aforementioned individual freedom. In the current society, the greatest feature of liberalism is the protection of individual liberty from intrusion or violation by a government. The activities of the government have, therefore, become the core point of focus. In liberalism, advocacy for personal freedom may translate to three ideal situations, based on the role that a government plays in a person’s life. These are no role, a limited role or a relatively large role. The three make up liberalism’s rule of thumb. (Van de Haar 1). Political theorists have