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History of Racism
Historical approaches to racism
History of Racism
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A historically disenfranchised group, African-Americans for most of United States history lacked basic rights and had minimal legal protection. United States v Shipp was the first criminal court case heard by the Supreme Court. Its significance helped African-Americans in their fight for civil rights going forward. Lynching is a terrible punishment in by which a public mob hanged an individual from rope. According to the Tuskegee Archives, over 3,000 Black people between the years of 1882-1968 died in U.S. due to the heinous and inhumane method. An African-American man from Chattanooga, Tennessee named Ed Johnson died because of lynching. Accused of raping a white woman, his hasty trial concluded in a death sentence. Johnson’s appeal to the …show more content…
Supreme Court caused a stay on his case, yet, a mob lynched him. The Supreme Court’s victory in charging those responsible for his death with criminal contempt help increased their power. In establishing a precedent in using federal ruling to overrule state ones, it proved beneficial to the courts in later more consequential legal cases. By exploring the history of lynching and examining Ed Johnson, a Black man in proper historical context, it helps in understanding United States v Shipp legal case because it reveals how the Supreme Court caused unwilling states to enforce the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment; furthermore aiding African-Americans in the legal sphere. I am an innocent man. Countless African-Americans men muttered those words before they meet their untimely demise. The people’s popular method of punishment was death by lynching. It was a cruel public event in which, regardless of a person’s guilt, that individual died. In the Antebellum era, White Americans used lynching’s in suppressing slave rebellions. After the Civil War, it evolved into a method of intimidation against African-Americans in an effort to re-subjugate them. While lynching was not exclusive to one race, it killed Black men at disproportionate rates. An accusation of raping a white woman as a Black man was enough to make mobs want to lynch them to prevent hearing testimony from the victim. America’s fascination with race and sex shaped public opinions of certain groups. Black men lack legal protection from lynching and some groups such as National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) campaigned unsuccessfully to criminalize the act. Until then, for those of Ed Johnson elk, they continued to meet their doom at the end of a rope. On the night of January 23, 1906, an attack occurred involving a twenty-one-year-old white woman, Nevada Taylor in a cemetery on her way home.
Knocked unconscious for 10 minutes, after Taylor reawaken she went home to tell her father and brother of the crime. As quoted in The Chattanooga News the following day, “he accomplished his terrible purpose and there he left his victim unconscious, choked into insensibility.” Later notified as a victim of sexual assault, Taylor could not recall much about the violent attack. However, in conversation with Hamilton County’s Sheriff Joseph Shipp, she described her attacker as an African-American man. For Shipp and his deputies, the cursory search for suspects ended with two Black men: James Broaden and Ed Johnson. In that era, any African-American man satisfied Taylor’s description. A local White male shop clerk who collected a handsome reward for his information identified Johnson. There is speculation as to whether the person saw Johnson that night. Johnson was an illiterate twenty-two-year-old man who got by doing odd jobs the clock was ticking on his life. The Chattanooga Times reported a mob presence at the Sheriff’s jail, more importantly numerous participants seeking to lynch a Black man in revenge. The public believed they got their man. Typical of the Jim Crow South era’s sentiment, an African-American man was guilty by default when accused of crime by a white person. Simply put, presumption of innocence did not apply to people of color. Unfortunately, for the crowd, a different prison location held Johnson and the crowd dispersed following pleas from a local
judge.
Emmett Till, who was born on July 25, 1941, was 14 years old when he was lynched in Mississippi after allegedly flirting with a white woman. He had traveled from his hometown of Chicago to visit his relatives in the South when two white men arrived at his family’s home and dragged him out at gunpoint.
In Erik Gellman’s book Death Blow to Jim Crow: The National Negro Congress and the Rise of Militant Civil Rights, he sets out with the argument that the National Negro Congress co-aligned with others organizations in order to not only start a militant black-led movement for equal rights, but also eventually as the author states they “launch the first successful industrial labor movement in the US and remake urban politics and culture in America”. The author drew attention to the wide collection of intellectuals from the black community, labor organizers, civil rights activists, and members of the communist party, to separate them from similar organization that might have been active at the time. These activists, he argues “remade the American labor movement into one that wielded powerful demands against industrialists, white supremacists, and the state as never before, positioning civil rights as an urgent necessity.” In Gellman’s study of the National Negro Congress, he is able to discuss how they were able to start a number of grassroots protest movements to disable Jim Crow, while unsuccessful in dealing a “death blow to Jim Crow”, they were able to affect the American labor movement.
The article also mentions Patterson’s previous trial where “Circuit Judge Horton, presiding, took judicial notice of incipient mob action to lynch defendants and attorneys by ordering soldiers in open court to shoot if necessary to preserve the peace” (Linder). On March 25, 1931, Victoria Price, a known prostitute, and Ruby Bates accused nine Negroes of raping them on a train in Northern Alabama. The trial took place in Scottsboro, amid much anti-black sentiment. An all-white jury sentenced eight of the nine to death, despite the fact that one was blind and one could hardly walk on his own.... ... middle of paper ...
Interestingly, the book does not focus solely on the Georgia lynching, but delves into the actual study of the word lynching which was coined by legendary judge Charles B Lynch of Virginia to indicate extra-legal justice meted out to those in the frontier where the rule of law was largely absent. In fact, Wexler continues to analyse how the term lynching began to be used to describe mob violence in the 19th century, when the victim was deemed to have been guilty before being tried by due process in a court of law.
...f execution by the state, blacks also faced vigilante justice by lynching. According to statistics given by the Tuskegee Institute, 3,446 blacks were lynched between 1882 and 1968 . Lynching was not court sanctioned execution, it was mob justice. Jefferson was accused of murder and robbery, and his fate was sealed.
The hypocrisy and double standard that allowed whites to bring harm to blacks without fear of any repercussions had existed for years before the murder Tyson wrote about occurred in May of 1970 (Tyson 2004, 1). Lynching of black men was common place in the south as Billie Holiday sang her song “Strange Fruit” and the eyes of justice looked the other way. On the other side of the coin, justice was brought swiftly to those blacks who stepped out of line and brought harm to the white race. Take for instance Nate Turner, the slave who led a rebellion against whites. Even the Teel’s brought their own form of justice to Henry Marrow because he “said something” to one of their white wives (1).
Lynch vs. Clarke (1844) was the most important case before the passage of the Fourteenth amendment dealing with this matter. It involved the discussion of whether Julia Lynch was a citizen or not. The nature of this case meant that she must either have been born a natural born citizen because she was born to her parents, that although were aliens, on U.S. soil, or that she was not a citizen at all because her parents were aliens regardless of the place of her birth that she had never made any attempt to be naturalized. The court ruled in her favor. The ruling established that under the common law of England, Julia Lunch would be considered a natural born citizen of the U.S., the common law of England formed the basis
In 1860-1960 there was lynching in the United States. When the confederates (south) lost the civil war the slaves got freedom and got rights of human beings. This was just to say because segregation wasn 't over in the South and didn 't go away for over 100 years. Any black person in the South accused but not convicted of any crime of looking at a white woman, whistling at a white woman, touching a white woman, talking back to a white person, refusing to step into the gutter when a white person passed on the sidewalk, or in some way upsetting the local people was liable to be dragged from their house or jail cell by lots of people crowds, mutilated in a terrible
Franklin Zimring (2003) examines the relationship between the history of lynching and current capital punishment in the United States argueing that the link between them is a vigilante tradition. He adequately shows an association between historical lynchings and modern executions, though this paper will show additional evidence that would help strengthen this argument, but other areas of Zimring’s argument are not as well supported. His attitudinal and behavioral measures of modern vigilantism are insufficient and could easily be interpreted as measuring other concepts. Also missing from Zimring’s analysis is an explanation for the transition of executions from representing government control in the past to executions as representing community control in the present. Finally, I argue that Zimring leaves out any meaningful discussion of the role of race in both past lynchings and modern executions. To support my argument, using recent research, I will show how race has played an important role in both past lynchings and modern executions and how the changing form of racial relations may explain the transition from lynchings to legal executions.
The Emmett Till murder shined a light on the horrors of segregation and racism on the United States. Emmett Till, a young Chicago teenager, was visiting family in Mississippi during the month of August in 1955, but he was entering a state that was far more different than his hometown. Dominated by segregation, Mississippi enforced a strict leash on its African American population. After apparently flirting with a white woman, which was deeply frowned upon at this time in history, young Till was brutally murdered. Emmett Till’s murder became an icon for the Civil Rights Movement, and it helped start the demand of equal rights for all nationalities and races in the United States.
Although abolition of slavery in the South coincided with the conclusion of the Civil War, a century of institutionalized racism was widespread in the former Confederacy. This institutionalized racism came in the form of the Jim Crow laws. It was a social norm to look at African Americans as inferior or even harmful to the White population. Groups such as the Ku Klux Klan roamed around "defending" the white population from the African Americans. This defense came in forms of public executions (lynching) or intimidation. Another fear the White Southerners had was the fear of black men exploiting white women. This fear led to many imprisonments and murders of falsely accused African American men. On March 25th, 1931, nine young African American boys were accused of raping two young white women on a train. These nine eventually became known as the Scottsboro Boys, named after the town where they were arrested. Although the boys had a lawyer fighting for them, the trial was over and the guilty verdict came automatically due to the Jim Crow mindsets of the citizens of Alabama. The unfair trials that the Scottsboro boys received are the results of the institutionalized racism in the South; this case revealed the injustice that prevailed in the American South.
One of the most appalling practices in history, lynching — the extrajudicial hanging of a person accused of a crime — was commonplace in American society less than 100 years ago. The word often conjures up horrifying images of African Americans hanging from lampposts or trees. However, what many do not know is that while African Americans certainly suffered enormously at the hands of a white majority, they were not the only victims of this practice. In fact, the victims of the largest mass lynching in American history were Chinese (Johnson). On October 24th, 1871, a white mob stormed into the Chinatown of Los Angeles.
In Dunbar’s short story “The Lynching of Jube Benson” Doctor Melville makes a grave mistake when participates in the lynching of an innocent man. When the reader takes into account the loyalty and devotion that Jube showed Annie and Dr. Melville, the gravity of this error is magnified. When the doctor tells the story years later, he sets it up as a series of unfortunate events which resulted in an unfortunate outcome. In reality, Dr. Melville’s role in Jube’s lynching was inevitable. Dr. Melville’s upbringing which conditioned him to see blackness as evil and sub-human as well as his hypocritical nature culminated in him murdering Jube Benson.
Race plays a large factor in showing how you are viewed in society. Although there is no longer slavery and separate water fountains, we can still see areas of our daily life clearly affected by race. One of these areas is the criminal justice system and that is because the color of your skin can easily yet unfairly determine if you receive the death penalty. The controversial evidence showing that race is a large contributing factor in death penalty cases shows that there needs to be a change in the system and action taken against these biases. The issue is wide spread throughout the United States and can be proven with statistics. There is a higher probability that a black on white crime will result in a death penalty verdict than black on black or white on black. Race will ultimately define the final ruling of the sentence which is evident in the racial disparities of the death penalty. The amount of blacks on death row can easily be seen considering the majority of the prison population is black or blacks that committed the same crime as a white person but got a harsher sentence. The biases and prejudices that are in our society relating to race come to light when a jury is selected to determine a death sentence. So what is the relationship between race and the death penalty? This paper is set out to prove findings of different race related sentences and why blacks are sentenced to death more for a black on white crime. Looking at the racial divide we once had in early American history and statistics from sources and data regarding the number of blacks on death row/executed, we can expose the issues with this racial dilemma.
For instance, the 1972 Furman V. Georgia case abolished the death penalty for four years on the grounds that capital punishment was extensive with racial inequalities (Latzer 21). Over twenty five years later, those inequalities are higher than ever. The statistics says that African Americans are twelve percent of the U.S. population, but are 43 percent of the prisoners on death row. Although blacks make up 50 percent of all murder victims, 83 percent of the victims in death penalty cases are white. Since 1976 only ten executions involved a white defendant who had killed a bl...