Disraeli's Motives in Passing the Second Reform Act “The objective of establishing the Conservative Party as a party of
government explains most of the actions of Disraeli in passing the
1867 reform act”
This interpretation of Disraeli’s motives highlights the idea of
whether Disraeli passed the second Reform act through passion or
merely to further his political career and boost the profile of the
Do you agree that the failure of the 1886 Home Rule Bill was due to ‘tactical mistakes’ made by Gladstone?
Chapter 4 follows this line of thought in which he details the motivational effect possessed by the international suffragist movements of New Zealand, Australia, and to some extent America. In an attempt to reconcile these movements with the British, Pugh neglects the social history of the international movements and perhaps can be accused of generalising the causes. He returns to the home isles in Chapters 5 and 6, where he details the fluctuating support given by the liberal party and the rising sympathy offered by the conservatives. He demonstrates the problem of reconciling the fight for the vote to party politics- the women attempted to pacify everyone- resulting in a more conservative approach. This view is particularly interesting to myself as the reader, as it introduces the idea that the Suffragist movement was not in fact as revolutionary as contemporary thought would suggest. Finally, in chapters 7 through 10, Pugh catalogues the
The conservative party has been in existence since the 1670s and was first called the ‘Tories’, a term used by the Scottish and Irish to describe a robber. This party is a right- wing party which believed in conserving the tradition and the king, as the name entails. David Cameron, the current party leader became the leader in 2005. He is also the present prime minister of Great Britain and he has made a lot of changes since he became the leader of the party. In this essay, I will talk about the history of the party, looking into detail at their gradual changes or transition in ideology and the various changes that David Cameron has made to the party’s image and beliefs.
This essay will address whether New Labour contained policies with which it wished to pursue, or was solely developed in order to win elections. It is important to realise whether a political party that held office for approximately 13 years only possessed the goal of winning elections, or promoted policies which it wished to pursue. If a party that held no substance was governing for 13 years, it would be unfair to the people. New Labour was designed to win elections, but still contained policies which it wished to pursue. To adequately defend this thesis, one must look at the re-branding steps taken by New Labour and the new policies the party was going to pursue. Through analysis, it will be shown that New Labour promoted policies in regards
The inclusion of the Notwithstanding Clause in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was an invaluable contribution in the evolution of the liberal democratic state. Not an endpoint, to be sure, but a significant progression in the rights protection dynamic. Subsequent to its passage in 1982 it became the primary rights protecting mechanism, however, its raison d`etre was as a neccessary concession, the pivotal factor allowing the patriation of the constitution. Many legislators present at the constitutional conference in 1981 opposed in varying degrees the entrenchment of a "bill of rights" in the constitution. The premier of Saskatchewan, Allan Blakeney, A preeminent liberal legislator at the time, recognized this potential document as an invitation to judicial review. He feared a conservative judiciary might hinder enlightened policies and sought authority beyond the ambit of an entrenched rights protection act. At the other end of the political spectrum opposition was in the form of an allegiance to parliamentary supremacy as expressed most notably by Sterling Lyon, the conservative premier of Manitoba. Imbedding section 33, commonly referred to as the Notwithstanding Clause, into the constitutional document alleviated these concerns to a degree that permitted their compliance. It is well established that the impetus for the Notwithstanding Clause was of a political nature. To insert this so inspired clause into an intended sanctuary from capricious legislative acts appears tantamount to allowing the fox to guard the chicken coop. Conceivably the same legislative majority that would create the laws abridging rights could exem...
“Let us be English or let us be French . . . and above all let us be Canadians.” Born on January 11, 1815, in Glascow, Scotland, Sir John A. Macdonald became the first prime minister of Canada and one of the most transcendent that Canada has ever seen. He immigrated to Canada in 1820, at the age of five, where his family, including his mother, father and two siblings, settled in Kingston, Ontario. He spent his childhood studying at the Midland District Grammar School, where he developed his passion for the English language and at the same time, realizing his new dream of becoming a lawyer. He was unable to attend university as a result of the financial problems within his family; however, that did not stop him from achieving his goal. At the age of fifteen, Sir John A. Macdonald entered a law office as a junior and as a result of his perseverance and dexterous personality, he was called to the bar in 1836. He then began his law practice with extensive success as a commercial lawyer in Toronto and Kingston. His commendable efforts as a lawyer were well recognized by many and he became extensively popular and was regarded as a positive leader that could make a difference. By 1844, he was elected to represent Kingston in the Legislative Assembly of Canada. In 1854, he helped create the Conservative party and on July 1, 1867, the day of Confederation, he became Canada’s first prime minister. Sir John A. Macdonald contributed to Canadian history in a significant way as his actions had a positive impact on Canada, which helped it develop and prosper.
The Conservatives, still lead by John A. Macdonald, were re-elected in 1879 for economic reasons that we shall discuss in the next lecture. They came to an agreement in 1880 with a Montreal based group to build a transcontinental railway from Montreal to Vancouver by 1891 in exchange for the following subsidies.
In the years after 1870 there were many reasons for the development of the women’s suffrage movement. The main reasons were changes in the law. Some affecting directly affecting women, and some not, but they all added to the momentum of Women’s campaign for the vote.
In fact the place of Sir John A. Macdonald in this country was so large & so absorbing that it is almost impossible to conceive that the politics of this country, will continue without him. His loss overwhelms us. (Swainson, 149)
The radical and pro-militancy rhetoric employed by both women in the reported speeches situates them at the inception of the most radical phase of the suffragette campaign. As this public meeting was held, a Franchise Bill was being presented before the House of Commons, concerning the possibility of women’s suffrage. For this reason, Mrs. Dove-Wilcox
According to Charles G. Finney, the role of the church is to reform society (Doc. B). In 1834, he said, "When the churches are...awakened and reformed, the reformation and salvation of sinners will follow." Finney had been influenced by Second Great Awakening ideals. He goes on to say that "drunkards, harlots, and infidels" would also be converted do to reform by the church. In this sense, the Second Great Awakening helped expand democratic ideals by bettering the moral standards of the common man. In 1835, Another example of democratic growth can be shown by Document C, where Patrick Reason created an engraving depicting a black female slave in chains and shackles. Above her is the quote, Am I not a woman and a sister?' This reflects how the abolition and women's movements often tied into one another since both of these movements helped expand democratic ideals in that they desired increased rights, such as suffrage for minorities. For example, The Grimke sisters, Angelina and Sarah were southern abolitionists who also played a role in the Women's Movement.
If therefore, Gladstone was able to push through a Reform Bill of his own only a year later he would be humiliating the Liberals and in particular Gladstone himself, this is a concept he called, "to dish the Whigs". Principally the reasons for Disraeli passing the 1867 Second Reform Act was to gain power for himself among the government, potentially succeeding Derby as the Prime minister. However, his stated political reasons of the time might simply have been said to justify reform amongst his own party.
Although they were fighting for a worthy cause, many did not agree with these women’s radical views. These conservative thinkers caused a great road-block on the way to enfranchisement. Most of them were men, who were set in their thoughts about women’s roles, who couldn’t understand why a woman would deserve to vote, let alone want to vote. But there were also many women who were not concerned with their fundamental right to vote. Because some women were indifferent in regards to suffrage, they set back those who were working towards the greater good of the nation. However, the suffragettes were able to overcome these obstacles by altering their tactics, while still maintaining their objective.
They believed that the way to votes for women was by using peaceful and legal ways to try and win the vote. Its campaign was entitled "Voiceless London", and they spread their hopes by putting forward
The Chartist movement itself came about five years’ after the Reform Act was passed, so how can the rise of the movement mark the failure of the Reform Act, when its sole drive perhaps was not fully related to it? Edward Royle had suggested that ‘the roots of Chartism lay in economic hardship’, and that the movement erupted at a time of an economic crisis. The movement was predominately working-class and thus when inflation began to rise, they were hit the hardest and many saw the Chartist movement as the only hope in their desperate situation. This idea can be further supported by a report on a speech by Joseph Rayner Stephens who comments, ‘This question of Universal Suffrage was a knife and fork question…this was a bread and cheese question.’ This suggests the movements idea of universal suffrage was more to do with a socio-economic issue and this can relate with Edward Royle’s view that the Chartist movement erupted as a result of the bad economic conditions, rather than the betrayal of the ‘Great’ Reform Act. In this sense, it suggests the Chartist movement came about many years after the Reform Act was passed because it wasn’t until towards the late 1830’s the economic situation started to worsen for the working-class, and this led many to turn towards Chartism in the hope for a change.