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Rivera and Johnson were both transgender women of color who also lived on the streets, forced to engage in survival sex work, due to transphobia, homophobia, and racist employment discrimination. This discrimination was not only apparent throughout their lives, but in the record and memory of their lives as well. In “Silhouettes of Defiance” Che Gossett argues that the historical erasure of individuals such as Sylvia Rivera and Marsha P. Johnson is called “archival violence”. This type of violence “imposes a structuring law and order upon memory, domesticating and institutionalizing history, while also homogenizing and flattening its topography of difference and heterogeneity”. Despite the fact that Rivera and Johnson were both present and actively engaged in the resistance against the police on that hot summer night of 1969, their stories were ignored while others were privileged as archival evidence. The privileging of certain narratives imposes a whitewashed version of queer resistance and deprives history, and those who created that history, a full and honest record. This not only harms the memory of important actors, …show more content…
but also deprives young queer activists the right to knowledge and awareness of their own history. A pivotal moment in Rivera’s activism and exclusion comes from her speech at the Christopher Street Liberation day rally in 1973. On this day Rivera had to fight her way up to the stage due to exclusionary social practices, hierarchies of power, and marginalization within the LGB community. As the crowd booed and hissed at her, Rivera endured as she criticized the community that dismissed her as strongly as she had fought for it. Rivera expounded, “You all better quiet down. I’ve been trying to get up here all day for YOUR gay brothers and YOUR gay sisters. I believe in us getting rights, or else I would not be out there fighting for our rights. That’s all I wanted to say to you people”. This was a pivotal moment for Rivera because after this speech, she removed herself from the spotlight of queer activism for decades. She was shunned by the people she considered to be her family, just like her biological family she was pushed to the margins and left there to be forgotten. In her speech to the LGMNY Rivera described a violent image of her community not being allowed on the back of the symbolic bus, but rather being pulled by the bumper of that bus with ropes around their necks. This imagery is powerful because it displays the impact that isolation and rejection had on Rivera while fighting for the rights of her supposed brothers and sisters. This moment was critical for Rivera, as she finally expressed to her community the oppression that she has been subject to her entire life. She revealed the rigidity of identity politics that Jessi Gan describes as, “seeming to desire to cling to explicative postures [and] unified subjecthood [that] has often resulted in repression, self-censorship, and exclusionary practices that continue to trouble organizing efforts”. This effort to homogenize the movement as a single subject, likely that of a gay, white, male of privileged economic class, placed individuals like Rivera on the margins, the memory of her and her contribution to the numerous movements for social justice were deemed as insignificant and therefore disposable. Rivera notes in her speech to the LGMNY that, “they [the LGB community] keep pushing us [the T community] every year, we’re further and further towards the back”. Rivera reveals in both of her speech’s that the marginalizing of transgender people was the same method used by the heteronormative, cisgender community to marginalize the gay community. Therefore the erasure and imposed invisibility of the transgender community can be attributed to a variety of individuals and communities. This is so due to the prejudices against intersections of identities such as race, class, and refusal to adhere to strict assumptions of what gender is meant to look and act like. In the article, “Identities Under Siege Violence Against Trans persons of Color”, Lori Saffin discuss how the intersections of race, class, and sexuality are often dislodge with one another, leaving the individual with nowhere to feel safe and welcomed. Saffin discusses the contentions that many transgender people of color face between their ethnic community and the LGBT community, a conflict that inevitably leads to the individual being rejected by both communities. Saffin argues, “racism within the LGBT community, together with possible ostracism from ones own ethnic community, put transpersons of color in a precarious position as outsiders among the margins… rigidity constructing and reinforcing the boundaries of identity erase lived realities of transgendered persons of color”. As a person of color Rivera faced racism within the LGBT community, and as a transperson of color Rivera faced transphobia and homophobia within her ethnic community. In addition to facing discrimination for their gender identity, sexuality, and race many transgender people of color also face economic inequality, further pushing these individuals into dire situations that force them to put their health and bodily safety at risk. Saffin argues, “with few sources of social support compounded by economic inequality, sex work becomes, perhaps the only means for survival. This not only puts queers of color at risk for violence but endangers their health from increased exposure to HIV and STIs”. Both Rivera and Johnson were forced into survival sex work as their communities ostracized them. In her speech to the LGMNY Rivera visits this topic arguing that survival sex work is often misunderstood for what it truly is: to survive. She discusses the fact that people failed to realize that there were not other options for people like Rivera and Johnson. Rivera argued that sex work was “the only alternative to survive, because laws do not give us the right to go and get a job the way we feel comfortable. I do not want to go to work looking like a man when I know I am not a man”. The marginalization of transgender people of color can be seen in the way they are memorialized after their deaths.
Due to the persistence of racism, classism, and transphobia the notion of “good victims” and “bad victims” is unmistakably palpable. Sarah Lamble’s article, “Retelling Racialized Violence” discusses the practices of memorialization and questions the politics of how certain victims are remembered in juxtaposition to other victims of violence. Lamble contends, “identities are thus marked as constituting so-called good and bad victims and these categories fall along particular class, gender, and racial lines”. Meaning, the good victims were individuals who adhered to the categories imposed by society, whereas the bad victims were individuals mandated to the margins of society due to their race, class, sexuality, and gender
identity. Furthermore, Lamble discusses the so-called “good victims” such as Mathew Sheppard, who Rivera notes in her speech to the LGMNY as, “a white, middle class gay boy that was effeminate”. Rivera also notes in her speech that the same outrage and support did not exist for Amanda Milan, a transgender woman of color. It is because of these identities that an individual like Mathew Sheppard was an ideal candidate for the cis and heteronormative society to digest as an innocent victim, whereas someone like Amanda Milan was not. Lamble argues that “without history or context the systemic roots of violence are rendered invisible, and violence is only comprehensible at the micro level, by which transphobia, in Amanda Milan’s case, is the only viable explanation”. In remembering the dead, specifically the victims of hate, it is important to acknowledge the intersections of identity that may have lead to the death of certain individuals as well as the methods and channels through which they are remembered. This paper has analyzed the impact that racism, sexism, classism, and gender-policing has had on the individuals who are not only sent to the margins by society, but also by their own community. Sylvia Rivera is just one of many who have made a significant impact on the overarching culture as well as their community they fought for. If it weren’t for individuals like Rivera and their determination to fight for what is right, the movement may never have been as successful as it was. The odds were stacked against her and yet she endured and persisted through all the hatred and in the end she succeeded.
A non-guilty verdict in the murder trial of Bradley Barton accused of killing Cree mother of three Cindy Gladue who bled to death from an eleven centimetre internal laceration argues that the wound was the result of rough sex. Gladue known in Edmonton as a sex worker spent two night with Barton in an Edmonton hotel room in June 2011. This essay will argue the appeal that was warranted through looking firstly at feminist analyses of sexual assault and legal consent, secondly, the contexts of intersectional power relations/ interlocking oppressions such as Gladue being a women from a Cree nationality who works as a sex worker, thirdly the problematic notion of Gladue being the bearer
In “ ‘It Was Like All of Us Had Been Raped’: Sexual Violence, Community Mobilization, and the African American Freedom Struggle” by Danielle L. McGuire, McGuire begins her piece with a haunting tale of the rape of Betty Jean Owens, that really illustrates the severity of racial brutality in the 1950s. She depicts a long history of african-american women who refuse to remain silent, even in the face of adversity, and even death, and who've left behind a testimony of the many wrong-doings that have been done to them. Their will to fight against the psychological and physical intimidation that expresses male domination and white supremacy is extremely admirable. The mobilization of the community, and the rightful conviction of the 4 white men most definitely challenged ideologies of racial inequality and sexual domination, and inspired a revolution in societal
In “Who Shot Johnny” by Debra Dickerson, Dickerson recounts the shooting of her 17 year old nephew, Johnny. She traces the outline of her life, while establishing a creditable perception upon herself. In first person point of view, Dickerson describes the events that took place after the shooting, and how those events connected to her way of living. In the essay, she uses the shooting of her nephew to omit the relationship between the African American society, and the stereotypic African American society.
In her Fire in a Canebrake, Laura Wexler describes an important event in mid-twentieth century American race relations, long ago relegated to the closet of American consciousness. In so doing, Wexler not only skillfully describes the event—the Moore’s Ford lynching of 1946—but incorporates it into our understanding of the present world and past by retaining the complexities of doubt and deception that surrounded the event when it occurred, and which still confound it in historical records. By skillfully navigating these currents of deceit, too, Wexler is not only able to portray them to the reader in full form, but also historicize this muddled record in the context of certain larger historical truths. In this fashion, and by refusing to cede to a desire for closure by drawing easy but inherently flawed conclusions regarding the individuals directly responsible for the 1946 lynching, Wexler demonstrates that she is more interested in a larger historical picture than the single event to which she dedicates her text. And, in so doing, she rebukes the doubts of those who question the importance of “bringing up” the lynching, lending powerful motivation and purpose to her writing that sustains her narrative, and the audience’s attention to it.
Thesis: McGuire argues that the Civil Rights movement was not led just by the strong male leaders presented to society such as Martin Luther King Jr., but is "also rooted in African-American women 's long struggle against sexual violence (xx)." McGuire argues for the "retelling and reinterpreting (xx)" of the Civil Rights movement because of the resistance of the women presented in her text.
Touching upon one specific case of this growing problem, she incorporates “Michael Brown,” who was an “18-year old unarmed black man shot down by a white police officer.” As heartbreaking as it sounds, it has happened on several occasions to men similar to “Michael Brown.” Accordingly, Myers formulates that it “is the same story. It is just different names.” Myers logically lists the other names of several black men who unfortunately fell victim to hate crimes, (Amadou Diallo, Sean Bell, Oscar Grant, Trayvon Martin), as well as flashing their images on the screen. Not only does Verna Myers use imagery in order to show that there is an evident issue with brutality and racism, but she knows it will tug on her viewers heartstrings. Likewise, this makes her audience become wary and sympathetic towards the situation at
Beale, Frances. "Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female." An Anthology of African-American Feminist Thought. New York: New, 1995. 146. Print.
Women, Race and Class is the prolific analysis of the women's rights movement in the United States as observed by celebrated author, scholar, academic and political activist. Angela Y. Davis, Ph.D. The book is written in the same spirit as Howard Zinn's A People's History of the United States. Davis does not merely recount the glorious deeds of history. traditional feminist icons, but rather tells the story of women's liberation from the perspective of former black slaves and wage laborers. Essential to this approach is the salient omnipresent concept known as intersectionality.
Desmond King and Stephen Tuck’s “De-Centring the South: America’s Nationwide White Supremacist Order after Reconstruction” was focused on how white supremacy flourished in not only the South, but in the North and West as well, debunked that the North and West were much better places to live regarding racial discrimination, and how African Americans had lacking representation in the political sphere. Laura F. Edwards, on the other hand, discusses how the legal system judged certain crimes, such as rape, were affected by one’s sex, black women’s and white women’s experiences with sexual assault, the assumptions related to the lower class affected women, and misogyny in her “Sexual Violence, Gender, Reconstruction, and the Extension of Patriarchy
In the article, Rape, Racism, and the Myth of the Black Rapist, the author, Angela Davis, discusses on the creation of the myth of the black rapist. This article brings two main ideas together to in order to make a valid argument to why both claims are false and hold no legitimacy. Davis argues that one was created in order to cover up for the other I order to veil the true offenders of sexual abuse. Davis also elaborates on the issue by adding to the argument and stating that white women are also being affected by these myths in a negative way because of the women’s bodies are being perceived as a right.
Elias, R. (1993) Victims Still: The Political Manipulation of Victims. Newbery Park: Sage [Chapter 2]
Throughout the twentieth century, the trauma inflicted upon people of color as a by-product of colonization, racialization, and assimilation has left a lasting imprint not on only the lives of the oppressed, but on the lives of the generations that follow them as well. Years after these subjective events have passed and been recognized as unjust and immoral and formal apologies from the U.S. government have been made, the trauma remains ever present in the minds of individual victims as well as the affected community as a whole, and traumatic healing does not actualize. Racial oppression has been an overtly prevalent issue; from the unjust treatment in WWII Japanese relocation camps and Cambodian refugee camps, to the colonization of land, compromised reservation sovereignty, and physical abuse of Native Americans. Although not as pronounced, racial injustice still continues today in a more discretely structuralized manner that is purposely designed to allow forms of oppression to continue yet have them over looked or passed off as lawful under U.S. regulation. The most prevalent forms of trauma that were experienced during these occasions include but are not limited to, post traumatic stress, intergenerational trauma, and soul wounds. The end of these oppressive events does not mean that repression is over, nor does it erase the scars it as left on the victims; the traumatic wounds still linger within individuals, the affected community, and through future generations. Attempts to remedy the harm done through apologizes, and in some instances compensation, address the error, and attempt to restore financial balance; however, they neglect to change the underlying inequality issues that were set in place that for the injustices to ...
Betty Owens was kidnapped on her way to a school formal, raped repeatedly by four white males, and worse might have happened it it had been for her friends getting help from a young white police officer (Lecture 4/13 ). Officer Joe D. Cooke Jr. was on duty when the friends of Betty Owens came running for his help, and instead of doing what many white policeman before had done, he ran to her aid (McGuire, p. 163). What is amazing about this case is the fact that not only were these men arrested and jailed by a white man but that they were threatened on the seen with being shot for their offenses against miss. Owens (McGuire, p. 163). The fact that the white boys were arrested on the spot and spent the days leading up to their trial in jail was also something that this case had happened that had never occurred prior in Southern states. This all being said Miss. Betty Owens was extremely lucky that officer Cooke was on duty and not the chief of police since it was common knowledge that the only reason why he stayed in power was by igniting race tensions (McGuire, p. 161). In Florida this case was the first of it’s kind in that it was the first all white jury to convict a white man, let alone four, of raping a Black woman, this was yet another important step in the Civil Rights Movement but more importantly a step in the right direction for the feminist movements. Rape of white women had always been such an outrage and meant death for the perpetrator, but with each of these very public cases the outrage against any man who committed violence against women, of any race grew, culminating with the Joan Little case which broke down the last of remnants of the Jim Crow law (Lecture
Women face myriad forms of violence today and throughout history. Both Anita Hill and Nafissa Diallo were forced to experience this violence in the form of sexual harassment and rape. Their cases did not follow the same pattern any other criminal case would, it turned into a circus of “he said, she said” for both women. Because of their intersectional identities as women of color etc., their evidence did not hold up against the evidence of the powerful men who wronged them. Sexual violence against women has long been an issue dominated by male opinions and decisions, and these examples only prove how ideologies surrounding sexual violence from far in the past are still in place today, disempowering women.
It is not uncommon in this day and age to hear someone say, “Well if she wasn’t dressed like that,” or “she was drunk and asking for it,” when you hear the unfortunate story of another girl being the victim of sexual assault or rape. It is likewise as common for these crimes to go unreported, due to the victims feeling they will not be believed, or become subject to further shame and humiliation. This is because of the idea of “rape culture,” a term coined in the 1970’s during the second wave of feminism. It suggests that the reason that these actions and concepts are so commonplace is because they are things ingrained into our collective psyches from a very early age. As a victim and survivor myself, I believe that this needs to change. The only way it will, however, is if we as a country take a stand now and put a stop to what perpetuates it further.