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Drug trafficking issues with citizens of Colombia
Drug trafficking issues with citizens of Colombia
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Colombia and Argentina are two similarly-sized South American states, with Colombia lying at the northern end of the continent, contrasting Argentina at the southern end. With a population of roughly 48.2 million (2013), Colombia is the larger of the two nations, comparing to Argentina’s 42.4 million (2013). However, despite this workforce advantage, Argentina outpaces Colombia economically, boasting a GDP of $437 billion annually, compared to $292 billion in Colombia. This translates to a GDP per capita of $10,301 in Argentina and $6,044 in Colombia, In other words, Colombia’s GDP per capita is roughly 60% of Argentina’s. As an effective indicator of the standard of living in a country for the average individual, a researcher can often look …show more content…
Francisco E. Thoumi, a well-established expert on Colombia, thoroughly analyzes this effect in his essay “Illegal Drugs in Colombia: From Illegal Economic Boom to Social Crisis.” Focusing primarily on the initial rise of the drug industry in Colombia through the 1980’s and 1990’s, he states that the Colombian economy during this period began to stagnate, with GNP growth slowing to 3.2 percent in 1997, down from a thirty-year average of 5.5 percent (Thoumi, 2002, 110). Additionally, in 1999, Colombia’s GDP logged its first decline since the end of World War II: a loss of 5 percent. Politically, the cartel system in Colombia has contributed to this economic downturn by undermining the regime and their policies. Trust both internally and abroad for the Colombian government and their ability to provide a reliable return on investments severely declined, and this forced higher costs and, per Thoumi, increased violence (Thoumi, 2002, 111). Furthermore, as violence, stemming from both cartels and guerilla groups, has increased, so have security expenditures by the regime (Thoumi, 2002, 111). “‘The cost of crime in terms of …show more content…
Again performed by Jennifer S. Holmes and Sheila Amin Gutierrez de Pineres, quantitative analysis shows that political violence lies at the heart of Colombian economic struggles, not coca production (Holmes and Gutierrez, 2006, 115). In their paper, “The Illegal Drug Industry, Violence and the Colombian Economy: A Department Level Analysis,” the researchers focus on the impact of coca production on Colombia’s economy in terms of both exports and GDP, while controlling for violence. By analyzing at a department-level, it is again emphasized that focusing on Colombia at a national level is a mistake, and emphasis needs to be made on individual players as opposed to groups. For example, when analyzing paramilitary groups and the FARC (Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia) as two separate actors, the researchers discovered that “Paramilitary violence is positively related to exports and negatively to gross domestic product. FARC violence appears to harm exports but, surprisingly, not gross domestic product,” (Holmes and Gutierrez, 2006, 113). The motivations of each group explain this trend. FARC guerilla fighters cause conflict in order to extort resources from the government to support their own cause, while privately funded paramilitary organizations are in many ways a representation of the private sector in Colombia (Holmes and Gutierrez, 2006, 113). Suggesting that political violence is the root cause of economic instability
In the Documentary “Mexico’s Drug Cartel War”, it displays a systematic approach of drugs and violence. The Drug War has been going on since the United States had a devastating impact on Mexico after the recession where it nearly doubled its interest payments. Mexico could not afford the interest payments but did have many agricultural imports. This created the trade between the United States and the land owned by the two million farmers. It spread the slums to Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez to work in maquiladoras (assembly plants just across the border) (Jacobin, 2015). This paper will focus on explaining how drugs are related to violence in Mexico, how drug enforcement policies influence the relationship between drugs and violence, and how battle for control in their own country.
Plan Colombia is a long-prevailing foreign aid package bestowed to the country of Colombia from the United States. This foreign aid package grants substantial financial assistance to Colombia, intending to fight the “War on Drugs” and to reduce the trafficking of narcoleptics, but there is a multitude of other factors and implications, both unintentional or indirect and intentional due to ulterior motives. To accomplish the goals of Plan Colombia, most of the aid has been provided in the form of armed forces. This situation is complicated because of the ongoing civil war between the government of Colombia and the left-wing Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People’s Army (FARC). Additionally making matters difficult has been the strong association of the Colombian military and some right wing paramilitary units. Such conflict in Colombia exacerbates its drug problem, but Plan Colombia allegedly seeks to tame.
Introduction: Imagine being born into a very poor lower class family in a beautiful society where everyone knows each other, a big family. Now, this society begins to drown in the abuse of drugs, violence, corrupted government, all influenced by the drug cartel in your very own backyard. But don’t forget that you are as poor as you can be trying to make ends meet in a corrupted government, but the only option you have is to survive by joining the drug cartel to support yourself and your family. It’s not a big deal because you’re making easy money, so it’s worth the risk, and your cousin who’s been working for them can vouch for them. Such is the Colombian way of life, especially in Medellin.
Concerned authorities have focused essentially on criminalization and punishment, to find remedies to the ever-increasing prevalent drug problem. In the name of drug reducing policies, authorities endorse more corrective and expensive drug control methods and officials approve stricter new drug war policies, violating numerous human rights. Regardless of or perhaps because of these efforts, UN agencies estimate the annual revenue generated by the illegal drug industry at $US400 billion, or the equivalent of roughly eight per cent of total international trade (Riley 1998). This trade has increased organized/unorganized crime, corrupted authorities and police officials, raised violence, disrupted economic markets, increased risk of diseases an...
As the Medellín Cartel was the largest drug cartel in Colombia at the time, they had controlled 80% of all the cocaine supply that was entering the United States. Despite the fact that Escobar donated millions of dollars to the local people of Medellin and funded the construction of schools and sports centers to help create a good reputation for himself. But even if he did donate millions of dollars to the poor, it was still just a chip into the Medellín Cartel’s wealth. By looking at the statistics of the number of people who were affected by Escobar’s acts of terror it has become evident to me that the negative effects of the Medellín Cartel had heavily outweighed the benefits of how Escobar tried to give back to the local people of Colombia.
This source is valuable to examine as it demonstrates how cocaine rendered the country more vulnerable to globalization when the nation was already engaged in a prolonged armed conflict. Taussig himself asserts how cocaine exposed the nation to other threats, claiming, “along with the cocaine come the guerrilla, and behind the guerrilla come the paramilitaries in a war without mercy for control of the coca fields and therefore of what little is left of the staggeringly incompetent Colombian state” (16). This source is also valuable as Taussig even mentions how the United States War on Drugs in the 1970s heightened conflict and corruption, doing nothing on an international scale and allowing for Colombian cartels to dominate the cocaine market throughout the 1980s. My Cocaine Museum analyzes Colombia’s transition to cocaine and a critique of world inaction and globalization, interweaving both fact and fiction through first-hand accounts of Colombia’s history. In this sense, it is a worthy source to examine due to the first-hand stories of the violence caused by cocaine trade. Yet, the novel shares a limited perspective as it only tells one side of the story of the arise of cocaine and gives little voice to those who took over the farms and turned them into profit machines for funding the war. Nonetheless, it sheds light on a very important reality in Colombian
The cartels are now in control of most of the drug trades and are successful. The Mexican border gives them the power to go everywhere they desire, making them a relentless force. “To date operation Xcellrator has led the arrest of 755 individuals and the seizure of approximately 5 U.S. Currency more than 12,000 kilograms of cocaine, more than 16,000 pounds of marijuana, more than 11,000 of methamphetamine, more than 8 kilograms of heroin, approximately 1.3 million pills of ecstasy”(Doj 2). Mexican cartels extend to central and southern America. Columbia is the supply of much of the cocaine exported to the U.S. Colombia is under control of South American gangs, they do business with the Mexican cartels to transport drugs the north. The Northern Mexican gangs hold the most control because the territory is very important (Wagner1). They are many different types of cartel in Mexico it also signifies that there are killing each other so their cartel can expand an...
Mexicans claim that the war in drugs only made the cartels more violent and the state authorities more tainted. The result is that guiltless onlookers are often caught up in the crossfire. For periods, drug transferring groups have used Mexico's fragile political system to make "a network of corruption that ensured distribution rights, market access, and even official government protection for drug traffickers in exchange for lucrative bribes," (Shirk,2011).
The United States has a long history of intervention in the affairs of one it’s southern neighbor, Latin America. The war on drugs has been no exception. An investigation of US relations with Latin America in the period from 1820 to 1960, reveals the war on drugs to be a convenient extension of an almost 200 year-old policy. This investigation focuses on the commercial and political objectives of the US in fighting a war on drugs in Latin America. These objectives explain why the failing drug policy persisted despite its overwhelming failure to decrease drug production or trafficking. These objectives also explain why the US has recently exchanged a war on drugs for the war on terrorism.
The paper traces Escobar's life from humble peasant beginnings to powerful cocaine drug dealer and kingpin. The paper discusses the sound financial decisions Escobar made as well as the way he invested in legitimate projects using the funds he gained illegally. The paper explores the influence Escobar had and the way he worked, ultimately unsuccessfully, to establish a no-extradition clause into the Colombian constitution.
The main purpose of this paper is to study and analyze the effects that the U.S. Free Trade Agreement have in Colombia’s developing economy by demonstrating the effects in Colombia’s GDP after the agreement, the effects in farmers, illegal drugs, and in the internal market share...
Drug trafficking has been a massive concern between the borders of Mexico and the U.S. “since mid 1970s” (Wyler, 1). Drug trafficking is “knowingly being in possession, manufacturing, selling, purchasing, or delivering an illegal, controlled substance” (LaMance, 1). A dynamic relationship exists amongst Columbia, Mexico, and the U.S. the informal drug trafficking economy. This growing informal drug economy leads to many individuals creating a substantial living through this undercover market. These individual drug cartels monopolizing the trafficking market are a growing problem for the U.S economy and need to be located and controlled. If this trafficking continues, the U.S. informal economy will crush the growth of legal industries. The trafficking and abuse of drugs in the U.S. affects nearly all aspects of consumer life. Drug trafficking remains a growing issue and concern to the U.S. government. The U.S. border control must find a way to work with Mexico to overpower the individuals who contribute to the drug trafficking business. This market must be seized and these individuals must be stopped.
Standard of Living, in a purely material dimension is the average amount of GDP per person in a country (therefore determining access to goods and services). However the term has a much broader, non-material dimension involving issues of quality of life and are therefore much more difficult to quantify. There is no single measure of SoL, but a range of indicators, which can be used together to give a good idea of a countries’ SoL. Reasons for GDP figures alone giving an incomplete understanding of SoL in a country will be explained in this essay, along with problems faced when comparing levels of development between countries.
In today’s society Mexico and Colombia, are related the majority of the time to illegal drugs, cartel wars, money, violence, capos, and death. Sadly, even though this problem has been around for a long period of time, for the past couple of years this issue has increased considerably in most countries that are related to illegal drugs. When a product, like drugs, shows a sign of being banned from a state or country, other nations can take advantage of using this reasoning to get the most of it. In this case Mexico due to its proximity to the place that has one of the highest consumption rates, creates and easy environment to build illicit empires. These criminal organizations are called cartels that not only produce and deliver the merchandise,
For example, Buenaventura has an official unemployment rate of 18% when the average is 9%, this large inequality also affects poverty, as 80% of people are poor (Dias, 2017). The regions with lower incomes and population density also see lower funding from the government and possess less public institutions. One of the results of the state being so week is that tax revenue only contributes 1% of GDP (Fergusson, Molinaz, Robinson, & Vargas, 2017) leaving little money for reinforcing the law. A different source of inequality might be that educated people in Colombia can expect wages far better than those without education (Ramirez, Bacarreza, & Jetter, 2015). People in rural areas often do not finish school (see: Appendix 1) and as a result cannot expect good wages, widening the gap between cities and