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Brief essay imperialism
International relations humanitarian intervention
Essay on humanitarian intervention
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Kosovo Precedent Justification?
Introduction
Throughout history there has been a power struggle between the oppressed and the oppressors, which can be identified by the historic process of imperialism. Imperialism once thought of being a heinous action carried out by the oppressors or in other words the powerful, wealthy, and influential states. These countries venture out and try to colonize other underdeveloped countries so that they can extract resources, labor, and wealth. The oppressed are forced to abide by the rules of the powerful minority. These are things of the past, the international community has moved past barbaric imperialism. But does Imperialism still exist? Is there still hope or salvation for humanitarian intervention in today’s world? I believe that imperialism does not exist in the world today and that humanitarian intervention is still possible. To make this argument, this paper will begin with a brief explanation of the Kosovo precedent and its justification towards actions in Syria and Ukraine. I then move to an analysis offered from Liberals on the questions of imperialism and humanitarian intervention in Syria and Ukraine then will use Realist and Marxists ideology to engage in arguments. I will conclude with a brief overview and conclusion of the analysis to make a lasting impression of my feelings toward imperialism and humanitarian intervention.
Brief Background on Kosovo Precedent and R2P
In 1998, the autonomous region of Kosovo inside Serbia was being torn apart. The entire Kosovo War had many key actors. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (consisted of Serbia and Montenegro) wanted to claim the region as theirs but not without the opposition of the Croats (Croatia). The two main bellig...
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...cause we will never know when we might be asking for the same salvation.
Bibliography
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Tindall, George Brown, and David Emory Shi. America: A Narrative History. New York: W.W. Norton Co., 1997.
The 1990s were a period of extreme ethnic conflict in the former nation of Yugoslavia. In 1992, Bosnia-Herzegovina passed a referendum for independence, which was not met with an equal enthusiasm amongst the republic's population. The group most against this independence was the Serbian minority, who were convinced by leaders such as Slobodan Milosovic and psychiatrist Jovan Raskovic in the idea of a "greater Serbia." Serbs were told they needed to dominate the surrounding Croats and Muslims based on their psychological superiority. Serb fighters carried out vicious campaigns of ethnic cleansing, killing over 100,000 people with another 1.5 million being forced from their homes to created predominantly Serbian areas. In 1995 Bosnia Croatia and Serbia signed the Dayton peace accords and focus shifted towards Kosovo, where discord had been emerging between the Albanians and the Serbs.
The last two decades of the twentieth century gave rise to turbulent times for constituent republics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, eventually leading them to split apart. There were a number of damaging aspects of past history and of the political and economic circumstances that contributed to the breakup and eventually caused the situation to snowball into a deadly series of inter-ethnic conflicts. Yugoslavia was reunified at the end of the war when the communist forces of Josip Broz Tito liberated the country. Under Tito, Yugoslavia adopted a relatively liberal form of government in comparison to other East European communist states at the time and experienced a period of relative economic and political stability until Tito’s death in 1980. In addition to internal power struggles following the loss of their longtime leader, Yugoslavia faced an unprecedented economic crisis in the 1980’s. As other communist states began to fall in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s, some former Communist leaders abandoned communism and founded or supported ethno-national parties, blaming the economic suffering on the flaws of communism and other ethnic groups. The ethnic violence that followed would not have been possible without the willingness of politicians from every side to promote ethno-nationalist symbols and myths through media blitzes, which were especially effective due to low levels of education in the former Yugoslavia. Shadows of the events of World War II gave these politicians, especially the Serbs, an opportunity to encourage the discussion and exaggeration of past atrocities later in the century. The ethnic violence in the former Yugoslavia can be traced back to a series of linked damaging factors such as the de...
6) Roark, James L. and others. The American Promise: a History of the United States: Second Compact Edition. Boston and New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2003.
struggle, however, fought under the guise of ethnic hatred. Bibliography Glenny M, "The Balkans, 1804-1999", 2000. Lampe JR, Yugoslavia as History. Twice There was a Country, 1996. Kegley and Wittkopf, "World Politics", 2001.
Godfrey Hodgson believes that the ideal for the American Exceptionalism stands for its great principle (rule of law, rights protection, constitution, and sovereignty of the people) that protects it from any political crisis that hit other great countries (xvi). He goes further and suggests that ideology was involved in establishing the exceptional character of American civilization (7). However, his purpose in writing the Myth of American Exceptionalism is to dispute Perry Miller’s (1905-1963) assumption of “the uniqueness of the American experience.” Essentially, he argues that the exaggeration of the American experience and destiny is extremely dangerous, “because they are the soil in which unreal and hubristic assumptions of the American history have grown” (16). That is to say, the American experience is less exceptional than it seems. He offers two counter arguments. First, the history of the United States is connected to the history of Europe. Second, the social and political ideals, especially democracy and liberty, have come into existence after a struggle as anywhere else (Hodgson 16). For him, it is true that American history has distinct and original features; yet, it is also true that America always been greatly influenced by European
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In this paper, I intend to analyze Iraq war of 2003 from Realist and Marxist/ Critical perspectives. I intend to draw a conclusion as to which theoretical framework, in my opinion, is more suitable and provides for a rational understanding of the Iraq War. While drawing comparative analysis of two competing approaches, I do not intend to dismiss one theory in entirety in favour of another. However, I do intend to weigh on a golden balance, lacunas of both theories in order to conclude as to which theory in the end provides or intends to provide a watertight analysis of the Iraq war.
Harrison, Robert Pogue. “America: The Struggle to Be Reborn.” The New York Review of Books. NYREV, 25 Oct. 2012. Web. 25 Nov. 2014.
Yugoslavia came to be because of a group of people wanted their own nation, and worked out as the Allies of Britain wondered what could come of dominating the Austro-Hungarians. The beginning of Yugoslavia is well known, but why did the country fall apart completely? As stated in the thesis, there was always a sense of nationality and diversity between the republics of the nation. The six never came together as one nation, and if there would have, many of Yugoslavia 's conflicts would have ceased to happen.
PBS. “While Nations Urge Syria to Allow Inspectors, UN Announces New Refugee Milestone" Prod. PBS. Perf. MARGARET WARNER. PBS.org. PBS, 23 Aug. 2013. Web. 27 Apr. 2014
Humanitarian intervention can be defined as the right or duty of the international community to intervene in states with certain causes. The causes can be that the state has suffered a large scale loss of life or genocide due to intentional actions by its government or even because of the collapse of governance (Baylis, Owens, Smith 480). One of the main arguments in the article was president Obamas decision not to bomb Syria after many of his Allies and people believed he would’ve after making so many plans and decision to carry out the bombing. Obamas decision can be expressing in some of the key objections to humanitarian intervention. For example, the first key is that states do not intervene for primarily humanitarian reasons. This means that humanitarian intervention would be unwise if it does not serve the states national interests. President Obama did not want to risk taking a shot while there were United Nations inspectors on the ground completing work (Goldberg
Lawson, Fred H. "Syria." Politics & society in the contemporary Middle East. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2010. 411 - 434. Print.
Malcolm, Noel. Kosovo: A Short History. New York City: New York University Press, 1998. Print.