There are several sociological theories in the study of contemporary labor unrest. However, this essay will start off to examine the rationale of capital mobility and labor transformation processes, as a coherent point of departure. To what extent is this approach significant? A simple answer is the sociological framework of Silver (2003), which is our central focus, is in contrast with the above approaches. Therefore, it’s imperative to provide an overview of what Silver was critical about. Silver conceived that the above approaches and numerous other literatures about labor unrest and globalization comprise severe methodological ramifications. Contrary to these she states that a coherent methodology should be able to situate ways in which workers from various geographical settings are connected to each other, by the paradigms of global division of labour and world political processes (Silver 2003:26). On a radical approach, however, Silver has not only shown optimism to the formation of new working class, but equally conceived an inevitable repercussion from those working classes being deconstructed. Therefore, she argues that Marx-type and Polanyi-type labor struggles is crucial in providing a comprehensive global sociological inquiry of future labor movements and unrest (Silver 2003:19-20). As already mentioned above, the first section of this paper will provide a critical summary of theories, which uses capital mobility and, the transformation of labor and global capital processes, as plausible explanation to the inquiry of existing labor unrest. The principal argument of this approach is summed under the hypothesis of the “race to bottom,” i.e., global productive capital has diametrically shaped conditions by which worker ar...
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...a crucial stage in the flow of production (2003:6). This is by no means the only strategy that guarantees workers with bargaining power. Another strategic method is connected with transport and communications industries, which Silver calls a “globalized network of production” (2003:6). Based on these divergences to the ‘race to bottom’ thesis, the question now is what does Silver perceived to be plausible sociological approach to the contemporary study of labor unrest? The answer to this question is directly linked the focus of this essay, which we shall now turn to explore in details.
Works Cited
Barma H. Naazneen and Vogel K. Steven (2008), The Political Economy Reader: Markets As Institutions (Rutledge: Taylor and Francis Group).
Silver, J. Bravely (2003), Forces of Labour: Workers Movements and Globalization Since 1870 (Cambridge: University Press).
Montgomery, David. The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865-1925. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987.
The current issues that have been created by the market have trapped our political system in a never-ending cycle that has no solution but remains salient. There is constant argument as to the right way to handle the market, the appropriate regulatory measures, and what steps should be taken to protect those that fail to be competitive in the market. As the ideological spectrum splits on the issue and refuses to come to a meaningful compromise, it gets trapped in the policy cycle and in turn traps the cycle. Other issues fail to be handled as officials drag the market into every issue area and forum as a tool to direct and control the discussion. Charles Lindblom sees this as an issue that any society that allows the market to control government will face from the outset of his work.
However, the arrival of the ‘organized’ labor movement has drowned the worker’s chance at mobility. A cursory run through central terms of the question begs us to answer what is considered “organized” and “labor”. Organized can be considered to coordinate labor and work.... ... middle of paper ...
Late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century were the years of achievement, the years of one huge reform, the years that shaped the present day in so many ways. The present day industrial workers owe their stable life, pleasant working conditions, and a variety of insurances to nothing else but these fifty four years. The struggling lives of industrial proletariat (thesis), their desire for improvement (antithesis), and the emergence of the welfare state, political democracy, trading unions, and social equality (synthesis) skillfully describe the picture of the events happening in those days.
William H. Sewell, Jr.’s Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (1980) is a qualitative analysis of the French labor movement, sweeping three radical revolutionary eras: 1790’s, 1830’s, and 1850’s. Sewell’s strategy encompasses “aggregating and analyzing” (1980: 5) events that would generally be considered the banal factional struggles and encounters of individual French workers. He amasses these facts into a macro-history of the workers’ plight to class-consciousness from the ancien regime to the repressive post-revolutionary era of 1850’s. Sewell frames his historical analysis within the context of the way the workers’ movement utilized the evolving rhetoric to advocate their pro-rights agenda. He performs a stringent investigation on the progression and determination of the use of specific terminology, focusing his lens on how concepts of culture (i.e., ideas, beliefs, and behaviors) aid in shifts of existing structures.
To conclude this analysis on the basis of the labor’s extensive history, Sloane & Witney (2010) propose, “it is entirely possible that labor’s remarkable staying power has been because of the simple fact that to many workers, from the nineteenth century to the present, there really has been no acceptable substitute for collective bargaining as a means of maintaining and improving employment conditions” (p.80). In the end, it is important to anticipate unions and employers presently work together to find solutions that will enhance collective bargaining strategies and practices to serve the interest of both parties.
Karl Marx’s article titled Estranged Labor as found in his 1844 Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts pays significant attention to the political economic system, which is commonly referred to capitalism. He further delves into nature of the political economy with a keen focus on how it has negatively impacted the worker or laborer. Therefore, the laborer forms the subject of his critical and detailed analysis as tries demonstrates the ill nature of the political economy. To start with Karl Marx portrays how the political economy as presented by its proponents has led to emergence of two distinct classes in society; the class of property owners and on the other hand, the class of property less workers. According to Karl Marx (2004), proponents of the political economy have introduced concepts such as private property and competition indicating without providing any form of analytical explanation but rather just expecting the society to embrace and apply such concepts. In particular, political economists have failed to provide a comprehensive explanation for division that has been established between capital and labor. Estranged Labor clearly depicts Marx’s dissatisfaction as well as disapproval towards the political economy indicating that proponents of such a system want the masses to blindly follow it without any form of intellectual or practical explanation. One area that Karl Marx demonstrates his distaste and disappointment in the article is worker or the laborer and how the worker sinks to not just a commodity but rather a wretched commodity (Marx, 2004). This is critical analysis of Karl Marx concept or phenomenon on the alienation of the worker as predicted in Estranged Labor in several aspects and how these concepts are ...
With means of production becoming more efficient due to the introduction of modernization and technology, workers jobs begin being replaced by machines. No longer is the laborer’s skill of any value to the capitalist, especially, when the worker can be replaced by a more affordable machine, or when they can be replaced by the exploitation of another countries’ cheaper laborers or resources. With capitalism main objective being profit at whatever means possible; we see that one nation isn’t enough to contain this destructive force, so it stretching across the globe. When the differences of age, sex, race, nationality, gender and any other distinctive social validity, the sobering consequence develops the very demise of the capitalists and creates an untamable globalized chaos caused by the force of productions and the greed of the
Polanyi, Karl. "Societies and Economic Systems," "The Self Regulating Market and Fictitious Commodities: Labour, Land, and Money." "The Great Transformation. Boston: Beacon Press, 1957. pp. 43-55, 68-75
Marx, Karl. “Alienated Labor.” In Classics of Moral and Political Theory, edited by Michael L. Morgan, 1160-1166. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2011.
Elizabeth Flynn, “The Industrial Workers of the World and the Free Speech Fights,” in Voices of Freedom. Ed. By Eric Foner
The changes accompany the transition from one epoch to another. In the late nineteenth century labor has become a commodity to the merchants, and the formation of a new mode of production has risen which gave rise to a capitalist society. There is a new class distinction between the laborer and those who owned the means of production.
Hoffman, J. & Graham, P. (2009), Introduction to Political Theory, 2nd Edition: London: Pearson Education Limited.
The laws and regulations surrounding Industrial Relations since the 1900’s have, at each reform, placed tighter constraints on the amount of power unions are able to exert. The reforms have also radically increased managerial prerogative, through an increased use of individual bargaining, contracts and restrictions imposed on unions (Bray and Waring, 2006). Bray and W...
There are many different approaches and theories regarding industrial relations nowadays. In order to mount an opinion on which is the ‘best’ or most appropriate theory of industrial relations, each theory will have to be analyzed. The three most prevalent theories of industrial relations which exist are The Unitarist theory, The Pluralist theory and The Marxist theory. Each offers a particular perception of workplace relations and will therefore interpret such events as workplace conflict, the role of trade unions and job regulation very differently. I will examine each of these theories in turn and then formulate my own opinion regarding which is the ‘best’ or most appropriate theory.