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Impact of bloody Sunday in Ireland
The impact of bloody Sunday in Ireland
Effects of bloody sunday northern ireland
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The unjustifiable actions undertaken by the British Army in the Bogside area of Derry City on Sunday the 30th of January 1972 and the predictably callous vindication of their activities bestowed via the Widgery Tribunal, have both had irrevocable and far reaching consequences for the evolution of the conflict in Ireland. Moreover, the impact of Bloody Sunday and the associated whitewashed investigation carried out by the British, cannot be underestimated in the growth of the Troubles. As a consequence of this event, the process of trying to end sectarianism through constitutionalism was hastily cast aside and more forceful paths to the negotiating tables were adopted. In response to this changing emphasis, the prevailing powers deployed an …show more content…
Therefore, while being informed by the stark realities of Bloody Sunday and the lack of accountability for the disaster, it is the intention of this essay to demonstrate the importance of this awful incident in the progression of the conflict in Ireland. In order to achieve the task at hand, the paper will first need to impart an understanding of what life was like at the beginning of the nineteen-seventies for marginalised Catholics in Northern Ireland. Once this impression has been delivered the paper will briefly examine the dynamics of that faithful day and the immediate aftermath. The paper will essentially examine how the fallout from Bloody Sunday shaped the evolution of the conflict in …show more content…
In effect the entire Provence was teetering on the edge of a precipice never yet experienced. As a consequence of punitive sectarian overtones and the internment without trial of thousands of Catholics for an unspecified period of time, violence and rioting was understandably never far from the stage. As the ferocity escalated from 18 people killed in 1969, to 26 in 1970 and 186 in 1971, the Provence was beginning to buckle. Nevertheless, despite the fragility of the situation and the circular threat of intimidation, violence and reprisals, a stoic and peaceful citizen’s rights movement bravely emerged. The main aim of the Northern Ireland Citizens Rights Association (NICRA) was to peacefully effect change through democratic means and achieve equality of opportunity for all sections of society in Northern Ireland. Fundamentally, however, the prominence of the NICRA was to be atomised in the wake of Bloody Sunday and extremist avenues to change were to become the norm. Furthermore, it is probably safe to say that the situation in many parts of Ulster was so volatile during this period, that if the atrocity of Bloody Sunday had not tipped the delicate balance of sensibilities, then undoubtedly there would have emerged some other incident capable of igniting the tinder box which constituted Northern Ireland in
At 2.40pm on Friday 21st July 1972, the first bomb planted by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) exploded outside Ulster Bank in Limestone Road, Belfast (BBC, undated). Over the next ninety minutes, 18 more bombs exploded around the city, whilst a further 2 were defused and 2 failed to detonate. In total, 9 people were killed, including 7 civilians, and 130 were injured in the attack that later became known as ‘Bloody Friday’ (BBC, undated). The PIRA were a republican paramilitary group that sought to end British rule in Northern Ireland during a period known as The Troubles after the British Army was drafted in to help with rioting between nationalists and unionists in 1969. As nationalists, the PIRA believed that the ‘Six Counties’
The Irish Republican Army was a well-known terrorist organization originating in Dublin, Ireland. The IRA (Irish republican Army) used irregular military tactics including ambushes, sabotage, raids, and petty warfare against the United Kingdom. The IRA raged Guerilla warfare against the British, creating the Irish War of Independence. Even though the Irish Republic Army is no longer active, in their time they wreaked havoc any many different people. In this essay, the description of the group, historical and past events of the group and recent activities will be discussed.
Through the course of telling about his own life and his family’s hard times, McCourt touches upon the fighting that went on between the Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland and the toll this had on the Irish people. He also delved deeply into the issue of poverty among the Irish and the many ways they dealt with the hardship in their lives.
The Bloody Sunday January 1972 has produced such different historical interpretations of what happened on bloody Sunday for a number of different reasons. The two big divides in what happened on that day are down to politics, religion and culture and the social society at that time in Ireland. As we know Ireland was facing many troubles politically and religiously, there seemed to be many marches and protests against the discriminate laws that persecuted the catholic people in Ireland. On the 30th of January 1972 a nationalist demonstration took place illegally in the centre of Derry, the police and government banned the march as they thought it would provoke violence. The march was lead by catholic supporters who were demonstrating against the protestant-biased law of internment for Catholics.
There is particular consideration given to the political climate in this story. It is incorporated with social and ethnic concerns that are prevalent. The story also addresses prejudice and the theme of ethnic stereotyping through his character development. O'Connor does not present a work that is riddled with Irish slurs or ethnic approximations. Instead, he attempts to provide an account that is both informative and accurate.
On a chilly February morning in 1929, Chicago’s North Side bore witness to a gruesome event that would forever stain its history—the infamous St. Valentine’s Day Massacre. Inside the S.M.C. At the Cartage Company garage at 2122 North Clark Street, seven men connected to George "Bugs" Moran's bootlegging operation were awaiting a meeting to purchase a Canadian whiskey shipment that had been taken advantage of at a favorable price. However, four guys—two dressed in police uniforms—arrived in a patrol vehicle, went inside the garage, and gave Moran's men the order to stand shoulder-to-shoulder against one of the walls. They thought they were the target of a police raid, so they did not resist and were brutally gunned down (“The St. Valentine’s”).
A collection of short stories published in 1907, Dubliners, by James Joyce, revolves around the everyday lives of ordinary citizens in Dublin, Ireland (Freidrich 166). According to Joyce himself, his intention was to "write a chapter of the moral history of [his] country and [he] chose Dublin for the scene because the city seemed to [b]e the centre of paralysis" (Friedrich 166). True to his goal, each of the fifteen stories are tales of disappointment, darkness, captivity, frustration, and flaw. The book is divided into four sections: childhood, adolescence, maturity, and public life (Levin 159). The structure of the book shows that gradually, citizens become trapped in Dublin society (Stone 140). The stories portray Joyce's feeling that Dublin is the epitome of paralysis and all of the citizens are victims (Levin 159). Although each story from Dubliners is a unique and separate depiction, they all have similarities with each other. In addition, because the first three stories -- The Sisters, An Encounter, and Araby parallel each other in many ways, they can be seen as a set in and of themselves. The purpose of this essay is to explore one particular similarity in order to prove that the childhood stories can be seen as specific section of Dubliners. By examining the characters of Father Flynn in The Sisters, Father Butler in An Encounter, and Mangan's sister in Araby, I will demonstrate that the idea of being held captive by religion is felt by the protagonist of each story. In this paper, I argue that because religion played such a significant role in the lives of the middle class, it was something that many citizens felt was suffocating and from which it was impossible to get away. Each of the three childhood stories uses religion to keep the protagonist captive. In The Sisters, Father Flynn plays an important role in making the narrator feel like a prisoner. Mr. Cotter's comment that "… a young lad [should] run about and play with young lads of his own age…" suggests that the narrator has spent a great deal of time with the priest. Even in death, the boy can not free himself from the presence of Father Flynn (Stone 169) as is illustrated in the following passage: "But the grey face still followed me. It murmured; and I understood that it desired to confess something.
The years 1870 to 1890 in Ireland saw the fervent battle of Charles Stewart Parnell and his Home Rule party for home rule in Ireland. This consisted of Ireland having its own parliament to deal with internal affairs while still remaining under the control of Westminster in international affairs. It was not the desire for a full separation from Britain that would come later. However, by 1890, problems in Parnell’s personal life lead to a breakdown in communication with the Prime Minister and to a split in the Home Rule party. According to M E Collins, this left a void in Irish politics and life that was filled with a new cultural awareness and a questioning of Irish identity: ‘the new movements were different. They stressed the importance of Irish identity, Irish race and Irish culture’ (170 M E Collins, Ireland 1868 - 1966). It is at this point that Fanon’s ‘Wretched of the Earth’ becomes relevant to Irish history. In his chapter entitled ‘On National Consciousness’, Fanon stresses the colonised native fears of being assimilated totally into the culture of the coloniser, of being ‘swamped’ (169 Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth). These were the exact concerns that occupied the minds of the Irish people after the failure of home rule. They began to be anxious about what Collins terms ‘the distinguishing marks of Irishness’: ‘a culture and language that was different to Britain’s’.
Ireland in The Coming Times- Essays to Celebrate T.K. Whitaker’s 80 Years edited by F. O’ Muircheartaigh, IPA, Dublin, 1997.
Religion in James Joyce's Dubliners Religion was an integral part of Ireland during the modernist period, tightly woven into the social fabric of its citizens. The Catholic Church was a longstanding tradition of Ireland. In the modernist spirit of breaking away from forces that inhibited growth, the church stood as one of the principal barriers. This is because the Catholic faith acted as the governing force of its people, as portrayed in James Joyce’s Dubliners. In a period when Ireland was trying to legitimize their political system, religious affiliations further disillusioned the political process. The governing body of a people needs to provide a behavioral framework, through its constitution, and a legal process to make delegations on issues of equity and fairness. When religion dominates the government that is in tact, it subjects its citizens to their religious doctrines. In terms of Catholicism in Ireland, this meant that social progress and cultural revolutions were in terms of what the church would allow. The modernist realized that this is what paralyzed the Irish society of the times. In the stories of Dubliners the legal system is replaced by the institute of religion, and it is the presence and social context of the Catholic Church which prevents the Irish community from advancement. ...
Clearly Saint Patrick’s Day is associated with Shamrocks and Leprechauns because they are both important to the Irish people. And they are both also important to making the holiday become what it is today.
- How did the Protestant maintain almost a century of peace in Ireland during the Protestant Ascendancy?
McCann et al. Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1994, 95-109).
The Catholic Church’s roles as a provider of many services all over Ireland provided for many families. The church was involved in the running of many institutions such as schools and hospitals. However, today it is indisputable that the status of what it once held has deteriorated because of the many falling vocations and the many abuse cases that have come to light in the past few years. What was once a strong community has been left betrayed by what was once seen as the pillar of society.
Lanka and Northern Ireland demonstrate. David Lake and Donald Rothchild’s argument that a group’s ‘collective fear of the future’ (41) is often the main cause of ethnic conflict remains the most successful framework through which to evaluate the conflict between the Sinhalese and Tamils in Sri Lanka. Fear of disappearing as an ethnic group was the main catalyst for Tamil violence, in response to Sinhalese political acts designed to limit Tamil involvement in business, economics and higher education. Laws introduced to attack Tamil culture added to this fear, and a communal fear of ‘dying out’ thus became reason to fight for an independent nation. However, this was not the case in Northern Ireland: the conflict did not arise as a result of Protestants curbing cultural freedoms of Catholics, instead the issue of civil rights was more prominent. The existence of the Republic of Ireland assured Catholics in Northern Ireland that the Irish Catholic culture would not be lost, in contrast to the Tamil (and formerly Sinhalese) fear of cultural extinction. Instead, the conflict was a result of a prolonged period of Catholics suffering civil injustice and economic disadvantage. As Stefan Wolff argues, ethnic conflicts have both underlying and proximate causes, the former including ‘necessary conditions for the outbreak of inter-ethnic violence’ (68) whilst the latter are needed to act as a catalyst and bring conflict to a head. The ethnic conflicts in Sri Lanka and Northern Ireland had similar underlying causes brought about from structural, economic and social, and cultural and perceptual factors. Ethnic minorities in both cases suffered polit...