The Batek society is a part of the Orang Ashi occupying the areas in or close to the tropical forests of Peninsular Malaysia and account for a minute portion of the Malaysian population. (Wawrinec, 2010, pp. 96-97) The Batek people were studied by Karen and Kirk Endicott, who chronicled their observations during their time spent with them in The Headman was a Woman. This essay will discuss the ethics of the Batek people, in particular, their practice of cooperative autonomy and how this is expressed in childrearing practices. It will also discuss the leadership position of the headman and the marriage of the young couple featured in Endicotts’ book The Headman was a Woman.
The key values behind Batek ethics are understood by the Endicotts’
…show more content…
by comparison to other communities of people who place a greater emphasis on personal autonomy. The Batek people while placing a high value on personal autonomy require this to be balanced with obligations that exist to others within the group (Endicott & Endicott, 2014, p. 3). Personal autonomy is evident in the fact that individuals make most decisions about their own lives (Endicott K. , Property, Power and Conflict among the Batek of Malaysia, 1988, p. 122). Helping each other was an expression of their cooperation and could be seen, for example, in the fact that “[the] Batek sometimes spoke of the children in camp as if they belonged to the camp group as a whole, referring to all of them as “our children” (Endicott & Endicott, 2014). The balancing of individual freedom with group obligation was also evident in the way the Batek resolved disputes communally noting particularly that despite this, individual group members still had the freedom to move away to another camp-group (Endicott & Endicott, 2008). The cooperative autonomy of the Batek has been aptly been identified as one “…that connects each person to others, rather than sets them apart but does so in a way that does not create dependencies” (Gray, Play as a Foundation for Hunter-Gatherer Social Existence, 2009, p. 488). The cooperative autonomy displayed by the Batek people manifests itself by, among other things, sharing as well as non-violence and non-competitiveness.
Non-competitiveness is most obviously manifested in the directly contrary cooperative behaviors of the Batek. As the Endicotts’ noted “[c]hildren’s play was strikingly noncompetitive. Games did not have actual rules; children simply created and then repeated activity patterns as they went along. Play was not structured to produce teams of winners and losers” (Endicott & Endicott, 2014, p. 5). Sharing is a key element of cooperative autonomy. Skills, food and material goods, defending against threats and raising children are all shared which not only served an economic purpose but also according to Gray, enabled survival. (Gray, Play as a Foundation for Hunter-Gatherer Social Existence, 2009, p. 489). Sharing in hunter-gatherer groups like the Batek are referred to as ‘demand sharing’ and is considered a fundamental element of social life that should not be violated. (Gray, Play as a Foundation for Hunter-Gatherer Social Existence, 2009, p. 489). Sharing is the clearest expression of cooperation among the Batek people. Finally, non-violence is never acceptable but rather an action engaged in by others who do not belong to their people (Endicott & Endicott, 2008, p. 50). As with non-competitiveness, the principle of non-violence is established in children as a value early on and appeared to be maintained by the fear of divine …show more content…
punishment (Endicott & Endicott, 2008, p. 50). Furthermore, the means of disciplining children illustrates the non-aggressive nature of the Batek people as children are rarely disciplined with the use of force. (Endicott K. , 1992, p. 286) The language of the Batek also embodies the principle of non-violence as seen by fact that the same words are used to describe both hit and kill (Endicott K. , 1992, p. 286). Socialization was at the core of how Batek parents taught the values of cooperative autonomy discussed above to their children. The process of socialization was very effective. Sharing, for example, was taught early on in Batek children’s lives. As the Endicotts’ observed “…children also began to participate directly in the sharing network of the camp by helping to distribute plates of food to other families in camp. This was one of the few jobs young children were actively given” (Endicott & Endicott, 2014). Such learning not only occurred by participation but also by imitation and often “without direct instruction or suggestion from adults” (Endicott & Endicott, 2014, p. 5). The non-competitive nature of children’s play was directly reflected in adult activities whereas sharing was taught to children from birth where, for example, both mother and father participated in childrearing activities (Endicott & Endicott, 2014, p. 5). Instilling the value of non-violence also occurred early in Batek children’s lives with children displaying such tendencies being separated and removed from the situation quickly (Endicott & Endicott, 2014, p. 8). Tanyogen was a woman featured in the book which, although was a natural leader, encompassed the qualities of a ‘headman’.
She actively participated and engaged in discussions, possessed advice giving abilities, nurturing and accommodating personality (Endicott & Endicott, 2008, p. 6). More specifically, however, she was not only of high intelligence with expertise in the main areas of the group’s practices (Endicott & Endicott, 2008, p. 64). She also had good judgment, experience, and strong persuasion skills (Endicott K. , Property, Power and Conflict among the Batek of Malaysia, 1988, p. 123). In many ways, these qualities were akin to those of a skilled politician. Headmen within the society must be natural leaders to have influence within the community and are chosen from among men (Endicott K. , 1999, p. 301) but, in this case, stood out as a female who embodied the required qualities. This display of gender equality in Batek societies can also be seen to extend to the family
unit. The basic unit of the Batek society was the family as comprised of a married couple and their children. Pictured in the book are a young married couple, Chinloy, and Kawun whose image impresses the equality in gender relations seen in the Batek people are even extending to the identical headdresses they each wear. The hunter-gatherer roles appear not to be strictly enforced as evidenced by the event earlier in the book where Chinloy returned from hunting to her husband who was cooking. (Endicott & Endicott, 2008, p. 5). The image reflects a couple who are not strikingly physically different in typical masculine and feminine qualities but who also appear calm and relaxed next to each other. The Batek people are a hunter-gatherer group whose cultural practices and mode of living are well described by the Endicotts’ as cooperatively autonomous rather than competitively independent. Sharing, non-violence, and non-competition are fundamental values within that label which form the social life of the people. Childrearing practices effectively inculcate these values in the Batek children early on and extend to all aspects of the Batek peoples’ way of life. The egalitarian nature of their society is also evidenced not only in marriages but also in the leadership and qualities of their leaders.
Valerie has successfully portrayed the picture of change in gender role within the ethnic community. She has cited an example of Sansei. In the book, it is said that the older generation was purely patri...
In John Barker’s Ancestral Lines, the author analyzes the Maisin people and their culture centered around customs passed from previous generations, as well as global issues that impact their way of living. As a result of Barker’s research, readers are able to understand how third world people can exist in an rapid increasing integrated system of globalization and relate it not only to their own society, but others like the Maisin; how a small group of indigenous people, who are accustomed to a modest regimen of labor, social exceptions, and traditions, can stand up to a hegemonic power and the changes that the world brings. During his time with these people the author was able to document many culture practices, while utilizing a variety of
In the rough and tropical island of Papua New Guinea, lived an exceptional aggregation of individuals called, The Gebusi. In the 1980's, The Gebusi tribe was anything besides up to date and acculturated. The Gebusi had their own particular singular and special customs and conventions that they rehearsed and accompanied. The Gebusi tribe took part in custom homosexuality, divination or witchcraft was exceedingly respected and polished, and they partook in particular sister-trade relational unions. By 1998-99, The Gebusi tribe had made another lifestyle. The Gebusi had gotten accustomed with new social convictions, modernization due to “western ways” that had changed their lives until the end of time especially changing their ways and view on gender roles and sexuality.
In relation to leadership and women, historically women who wanted to seek leadership roles were often seen projecting the traditional masculine model of leadership. This model means to be rational, unemotional and analytic. It also, means in order to succeed traditionally women needed to look and act like a man to be taken seriously in leadership positions. Women in the past often dressed up in suits and ties and anything feminine was seen as an internal “weakness”. To be a leader in power meant to exude confidence in masculinity and shy away from anything remotely girly. As opposed, to the feminine model which casts power as focused on connection and harmony instead of power over something, someone. This power can be skilled through collective gain or physical attractiveness (Kruse 22).
Endicott, Kirk., Endicott, Karen 2008. The Headman was a Women. The Gender Egalitarian Batek of Malaysia. Retrieved from https://www.coursehero.com/textbooks/218028-The-Headman-Was-Woman
“The Sambia: Ritual, Sexuality, and Change in Papua New Guinea” is a book written by Gilbert Herdt. It is based on a case study Herdt did during the 1970’s of the culture of the Sambia people. His study took place in Eastern Highlands Province of Papua New Guinea. He didn’t know much about their language, however through out his time there he was able to learn their language and customs. As he settled into their village, he mostly slept in the clubhouse with the other Nilangu villagers; however, eventually they built a house for him to stay at. Herdt had a great interest in gaining new knowledge about the Sambia culture.
For at least three decades race, gender and biopower have all been linked together. The three terms used, are frameworks installed by governments to manage the population by categorizing, regulating and controlling its subjects. Race, gender and biopower are intertwined to illuminate the treatment of the minority for centuries. The mistreatment, discrimination and suffering experienced by the minorities throughout history is evident in the texts provided.
One of the first tasks that Raybeck takes on in the ethnography is documenting kinship. He later describes the usefulness of the genealogies he created, but the process of creating them was quite difficult. He says that the Kelantanese often use “Arabic naming conventions” (Raybeck, 1996, p.62), making a task that seems relatively simple, quite complex. Combine that with a high divorce rate and the number of relatives sky rockets. But through his interviews on kinship he discovered that most Kelantanese had a “detailed and accurate knowledge of very extensive kin networks” (Raybeck, 1996, p. 62). This helped him to make the discovery of the level of importance placed on family and village support. Raybeck credits much of his success to this ethnography to his key informants. One that he often praises is his neighbor Hussein. When Raybeck was first conducting his interviews he had to learn the difference in politeness in Kelantanese culture. Hussein had to subtly remind him that Raybeck (1996) must “behave like a hen, not a rooster” (p. 60). His key informant helped to set him on the right path to gaining the information for his research question, but also taught him a key aspect of culture that, until then, he was failing in as a participant
...tional obstacles to those faced by male counterparts. One common predicament, identified by the former Equal Opportunities Commission, is the requirement for women leaders to spend extra time and energy not just leading, but ‘proving’ that they can lead. Women leaders are penalized whether they confirm, or contradict a specific stereotype. A female leader can expect to be viewed as less competent when her behaviour is consistent with stereotypical ‘feminine’ behaviour, and as ‘un-feminine’, when her behaviour is inconsistent with stereotypes Ritvo et al (1995).
Different anthropologists such as Nowak and Laird (2010), and Butler (2006), recommended that these residents of jungles contain an exclusive background; position, morals and everyday life is entirely through big adjustment. It can be said that the Mbuti people live in their own world. This paper will discuss the kinship system and the social organization of the culture as far as how they practice equal sharing of food after engaging in hunting and gathering. This paper will also discuss how the Mbuti culture uses gender relation to determine their hunting ages.
My father and I don’t share the best relationship in the world in fact we barely talk at all. This bring to mind to a key concept raised in the literature by Barry S Hewett in his article The Cultural Nexus of The Aka Father- Infant Bonding. In which he discussed how close and intimate the fathers of the Aka tribe the southern Central Africa and the Northern Congo region. He contrasted the role the Aka fathers play with respect to American fathers (p 48). Whist studying the Aka people he observed that the Aka men spent a considerable amount of time with their children and invested a great deal into their lives and upbringing. The Aka tribe lives in a strong egalitarian society, where men, woman and children are all respected. Their main hunting technique is netting in which all members of the aforementioned groups are involved. In his observations Mr. Hewett observed that Aka fathers, held, played with and nurtured their children considerably more than American fathers (p 4...
What defines a good leader? Should determinates of an effective leader be based on one’s sex; or rather their overall ability to effectively attain group goals? For years’ research has been conducted to better understand the factors associated with individuals emerging as leaders in a group. The study, “Effects of Sex and Gender Role on Leader Emergence,” focuses on two of these factors; sex and gender role, to see if the held notion that men more often emerge as leaders than women in a group setting holds true (1335). First however, both sex and gender role must be defined to better understand their believed effects when it comes to leader emergence. In this case, “sex refers to the biological and anatomical differences between females and
Virtue Ethics Virtue ethics is a theory used to make moral decisions. It does not rely on religion, society or culture; it only depends on the individuals themselves. The main philosopher of Virtue Ethics is Aristotle. The. His theory was originally introduced in ancient Greek.
Like other ethnic in Brunei Darussalam, Kedayan’s people have their own unique traditional ceremony that shared with other communities in this region. ‘Makan Tahun’ held annually by the Kedayan is not only represents the unique traditions inherited but it also as a platform for their brotherly bonding. ‘Makan Tahun’ is a thanksgiving festival held to indicate happiness and appreciation for a successful rice harvest and it’s also a symbolic of the unity of the Kedayan’s people, family and relatives alike. Thus, families, relative and friends from far and near get together during these celebrations. The Kedayan’s has the belief that if there is disunity among them, a curse from the ancestors will fall upon the living. Thus, they still have an
Sipes, Richard G. "War, Sports and Aggression: An Empirical Test of Two Rival Theories." American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 75, No. 1. (Feb., 1973), pp. 64-86.