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Doctrine of vicarious liability
Doctrine of vicarious liability
Doctrine of vicarious liability
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ans) The leading decisions in this area are now without doubt those of the Supreme Court of Canada in Bazley v Curry, Jacobi v Griffiths, and the House of Lords in Lister v Hesley Hall. However, before these decisions, a number of cases from England and Commonwealth jurisdictions imposed vicarious liability for sexual assaults and some denied it .The Salmond 'unauthorised mode' test did not feature in the courts determinations on liability. What featured was the strength of the connection between the employment and the sexual assaults. In most of the cases, there was no sufficient connection to justify the imposition of liability. In particular, mere opportunity to commit the assaults was not enough. Before the House of Lords decision in Lister,the …show more content…
The aim of the Foundation was the alteration and replacement of bad behavioural patterns with more socially acceptable behavioural patterns. Mr Curry was employed by the Foundation as a child care counsellor to fulfil the role of parent to the children. Over a period of several months, Curry seduced the plaintiff. He turned bathing routines into sexual sexual abuse. He was dismissed from employment and ultimately prosecuted and convicted for this criminal misconduct. The issue for the Supreme Court was whether the Foundation was vicariously liable for the wrongful conduct of Curry. The court was unanimous in holding that it was indeed vicariously liable. Mclachlin J delivering the judgment of the court, used the 'Salmond' test as a starting point:an employer is vicariously liable for (1) employee acts authorised by the employer; (2) unauthorised acts so connected with authorised acts that they may be regarded as modes of doing an authorised act .Although McLachlin J thought that the prior cases holding employers vicariously liable for the unauthorised acts of employees were of little help in resolving the issue in this case, they do accord with the 'close connection' test that was then propounded. That principle just needed to be drawn out. In doing this, Bazley acknowledges that it is the relationship between the …show more content…
The boarding house was intended to be a home for the boys and not an extension of the school environment. Grain was employed as the warden of the boarding house. He lived at the boarding house and was responsible, for making sure the boys got up, went to school and to bed, and organised evening activities. Over a period of time, he systematically sexually abused the appellants in the boarding house and was convicted of multiple offences involving sexual abuse. The appellants brought an action against the employers, on the grounds they were vicariously liable for the torts of the warden.The trial judge and the Court of Appeal were bound by the Court of Appeal's decision in Trotman, holding that sexual abuse by a teacher could not be regarded as an unauthorised mode of carrying out an authorised act' within the Salmond test for vicarious liability. The House of Lords, however, overruled Trotman and unanimously imposed vicarious
The High Court of Australia referred to the Civil Liability Act 2002 (NSW) as well as the Liquor Act 1982 (NSW). It was concluded that the evidence at the previous trial lacked the proof that security personnel would have stopped the re-entry of the determined gunman who was acting
Analysis / Ruling of the Court. The district court granted the employer’s motion for summary judgement on the sexual harassment claim due to the fact that Sherry Lynch treated both men and women equally in this case; that is, she behaved in the same vulgar and inappropriate way towards both genders. For this reason, Smith’s gender was not a contributing factor to the harassment, which is one of the conditions that would have to be met for the sexual harassment claim. The appellate court agreed and affirmed the district court’s judgement. The district court ended up excluding evidence pertaining to the sexual harassment claim because the sexual harassment claim had been dismissed on summary judgement, and because the court decided that the details of the harassment bore little relevance to the retaliation case whereas this evidence would be unfairly prejudicial to Hy-Vee. The appellate court affirmed the district court’s judgement. Smith did not offer any specifics on what evidence she would have wanted to present, which made it hard for the court to determine whether this evidence was material to the retaliation case or not. In her opposition to the motion in limine, she said she only wanted to discuss the harassment case in general, including mentioning that Lynch had harassed/touched her inappropriately. Hy-Vee had no objection to this, and Smith got to present this much evidence in the trial. Therefore, the appellate court found that she waived any objection to the
Poniatowska v Hickinbotham [2009] FCA 680 and the unsuccessful appeal against the decision (Employment Services Australia Pty Ltd v Poniatowska [2010] FCAFC 92) are remarkable cases concerning various allegations of conduct constituting sexual harassment (SH) and unlawful discrimination on grounds of sex. The reasoning of Mansfield at first instance (which is accepted by the judges at appeal) adequately addresses issues of credibility, standard of workplace policies regarding SH and discrimination, and etc. The aim of this research paper is to assess the court’s approach to the conduct alleged to constitute sexual harassment, respondent’s response to the allegations, and the assessment of damages. It will be viewed in light of the broader issues raised by the scholars regarding sexual harassment and discrimination and the Sex Discrimination Act (the SD Act).
Parton, N., Thorpe, D. and Wattam, C. (1997) Child Protection Risk and Moral Order, London: Macmillan
On Bloodsworth’s appeal he argued several points. First he argued that there was not sufficient evidence to tie Bloodsworth to the crime. The courts ruled that the ruling stand on the grounds that the witness evidence was enough for reasonable doubt that the c...
...is shown in the Ian Wathey and Craig Faunch case of 2006 where social workers believed that it was wrong to probe the couple about their family histories and Judge Sarah Cahill (2006) explained how she was appalled that the police were not involved at an earlier date. In addition to this, the case of baby Peter Connelly illustrates how some practitioners can get too emotionally involved and compassionate towards clients. The NSPCC’s Ten Pit Downfalls (2010) suggests that this specific case illustrates how unfamiliar society is culturally with the idea that mothers can be perpetrators of physical abuse. Therefore, it can be seen that compassion was shown towards Peter’s mother during in depth questioning when practitioners decided she merely needed support, as explained by the Independent (2010) where Tracey Connelly seemed fairly caring but inadequate as a mother.
David suffered physical, mental, and emotional abuse from the age of four to 12-years-old. As his teachers and principal, neighbors, and even his maternal grandmother and father stand by and let the abuse happen, it makes me wonder what they could have done differently. For example, David’s father saw the abuse firsthand and he would try to intervene to help him out initially. David’s father was caught by the madness of his wife in calling him, ‘the boy’ and ‘It’. As much as his father tried to comfort David, he did not have the will to stand up against his wife. Another example, the maternal grandmother commented on bruises visible on David’s body and she did not take action to report her daughter for abusing her grandchild, David. Instead, David’s grandmother stated that she should stay out of it and let David’s mother raise her children as she saw fit. I believed the unreported instances observed by the public to be just as substantial a crime as the child abusers themselves. Also, the Department of Children and Social Services were contacted because of the alleged child abuse events that occurred previously; however, he was not taken from the home because the social worker of the agency sided with David’s mother. The social worker did not complete a thoroughly
Successes and Failures of Sexual Offences Act 2003 The Sexual Offences Act 2003 was heralded as a response to shifting social attitudes, encompassing the broad libertarian approach towards sexual behaviour that has become increasingly dominant since the Act that preceded it whilst attempting to account for the myriad of more widespread sexual deviancies and abusive practices that were otherwise poorly regulated by existing statute. It was designed as a regularisation of the law on sexual offences giving a modern and consistent perspective upon the particular offences; one that would allow the courts to proceed on a fairer and less discriminatory basis, both in its prosecution of offenders and it in treatment of victims. Few statutes can have been subjected to the same level of public scrutiny as this Act, emerging from a climate of public concern over the adequate protection of their children and the proliferation of paedophilia. The abnormally low conviction rate for rape as well as socio-criminal phenomena like 'date-rape' or the effect of immigration on acceptable sexual practices were yet more facets of a many-handed debate about how the law should respond to a changing world. Understanding these issues is central to finding the coherent thread upon which different changes in the Act attempt to hang.
Sexual assault is the act of sexual intercourse without consent of the other person according to New South Wales Consolidation Act of 1900 (Austlii 2011) and is also described by the Australian Standard Offence Classification as ‘non-consensual’ acts or intents of sexual nature (ASOC 2008, p. 31) has become one of the most predominate crimes creating social harm in Australia. Social harm is defined as the negative influence through consequences impacting from the individual to the living conditions of the surrounding public (Cain & Howe 2008, p. 26). Sexual assault poses a social threat to all aspects of community, spreading insecurity in the 9000 victims across Australia and 1900 victims in NSW alone as indicated in the Australian Bureau of Statistics Crime Victimisation Report (ABS 2011, p. 40). This is supported by the victimization rate of all sexually assaulted victims between ages 10 to 14 being 4 times greater than all the other age groups (ABS 2010). Another major issue within the boundaries of sexual assault is that it holds one of the lowest prosecution rates with only 1 in 10 incidents able to prosecute the offender as guilty (Fitzgerald 2006, Pg. 1). The abundance of statistics and reports conducted all imply that sexual assault is still a predominate issue of crime within Australia.
C. Cobley & N. Lowe, ‘Interpreting the Threshold Criteria Under Section 31(2) of the Children Act 1989 – the House of Lords Decision in Re B’ (2009) Modern Law Review 72 (3)
According to RAINN, (2009) approximately 10 per cent of all victims of sexual assault and abuse are adult and juvenile males. In terms of the nature of assault, real figures include a compendium of reported incidents ranging from unwanted sexual touching to forced penetration. To qualify this statement, it must be understood that the percentage does not reflect a vast number of crimes that go unreported due to issues that will be discussed in the present paper.
To comprehend the underlying levels of conviction, there are unfortunate factors from the police, the criminal justice system, the probability of evidence and issue of consent that make convictions immensely difficult to prove. This essay will investigate those measures showing the contrasts of rape and why it is tricky to prove rape occurred without consent, without any corroborative evidence, attitudes of police towards rape victims, the victims withdrawing their report due to personal circumstances and the handling of victims in court, that lead to many offenders having a non-custodial sentence or being acquitted of a rape charge. In the first paragraph, I will explain what constitutes rape and the variations of relationships in which rape is committed. The Sexual Offences Act 2003 (the Act) came into force on the 1st May 2004. The purpose of the Act was to strengthen and modernise the law on sexual offences, whilst improving preventative measures and the protection of individuals from sexual offenders.
This set of laws blur the line between who is the victim, and who is the aggressor, as well as distorts the role of the victim, attacker and legislation. Without substantial
The first point to note when analysing occupiers’ liability is that originally it was separate to the general principles of negligence which were outlined in Donoghue v Stevenson .The reason for this “pigeon hole approach” was that the key decision of occupiers’ liability, Indermaur v Dames was decided sixty six years prior to the landmark decision of Donoghue v Stevenson . McMahon and Binchy state the reason why it was not engulfed into general negligence, was because it “… had become too firmly entrenched by 1932 … to be swamped by another judicial cross-current” Following on from Indermaur v Dames the courts developed four distinct categories of entrant which I will now examine in turn.
but this was not the view taken in R v Mokrecovas.39 In R v Floyd Charles Darnell40, defence counsel, relying on Lord Hope’s remarks, suggested that a very wide interpretation should be given to section 42(1)(a). The Court of Appeal did not consider it necessary to explore the matter in this case but commented that if evidence could be admitted under section 42(1)(a) as indicative of a motive to lie, it was not clear how this could be reconciled with section 41(4), which forbids evidence the purpose or main purpose of which is to impugn C’s credibility. In R v Martin (Durwayne)41, the Court of Appeal found a way of circumventing this problem. D, who was charged with indecent assault, denied any contact with C on the occasion in question, claiming he