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The Conservative Heart Book Critique In the novel, The Conservative Heart: How to Build a Fairer, Happier, and more Prosperous America, written by a New York Times bestselling Arthur, Arthur Brooks, he expresses how conservatives have been a movement of the head instead of the heart. Arthur Brooks is the 11thpresident of the American Enterprise Institute which is a nonpartisan public policy research institute and became president when Barack Obama was elected president (Brooks 1). In the American Enterprise Institute, Brooks works with scholars, policymakers, and elected officials to ensure free enterprise to all American’s (Brooks 2). At the age of nineteen, Brooks left college to travel the world and play French horn; he finally ended up …show more content…
in the City Orchestra of Barcelona and met his wife Ester (Brooks 3-5). Brooks eventually decided that although it was fun, he couldn’t live off a musician’s salary for the rest of his life so he moved back to the United States to finish his bachelor’s degree (Brooks 4). He then earned a Ph.D. in public policy and spent ten years as a professor (Brooks 4). Brooks currently lives in Maryland with his wife and three kids (Brooks 5). In the beginning of Brooks’ novel, he explains America’s happiness or rather the pursuit of happiness within America. He states that it’s statically proven that conservatives are happier than liberals. To be more precise, he writes that about forty percent conservative women say they are very happy, which makes them a little happier than conservative men and a lot happier than liberal women (“The Conservative Heart” p. 27). He then explains sources of happiness, one being our genes, he writes that forty eight percent of our general happiness comes from our genetic makeup, as Brooks says, “when you blame unhappiness on your parents, you’re actually half right” (“The Conservative Heart” p. 28). Another source of happiness explained by Brooks is the events that inflect our lives, studies suggest that about forty percent do control our happiness. Brooks may mention this because in my opinion many of American’s happiness reflects off of who is in office, which common sense of course, a conservative won’t like a liberal in office and a liberal won’t like a conservative in office. He continues the beginning of the book with what he calls the “happiness portfolio” which are; faith, family, community, and meaningful work and to stay happy we should focus on these things. After starting the book with happiness he proceeds with a more controversial topic, poverty and welfare. Personally agreeing with his statement, “our government seems content with making poverty a little less insufferable, yet another White House is promising different results using the same old policy tools, and the poor are falling further behind” (“The Conservative Heart” p. 78). America is constantly urging to do something about the poverty level, but no one has actually taken the initiative to do something about it. In Brooks’ words, “It’s not as though voters are crazy, rather it’s everyone knows we must do something to help struggling people, and the old ideas appear to be the only ones to offer” (“The Conservative Heart” p. 78). He also says, “It’s hard to convince people to give you the reins of power when more than half think you don’t care about them and more specifically, it’s impossible to convince them you can revamp the welfare state when only fewer than one in ten think you will put poor people’s interests first” (“The Conservative Heart” p. 79). It is the typical reaction to think that conservatives don’t want to help poverty because of their stand point on money and welfare and that’s what Brooks is trying to express here, that they do care; it’s just hard to convince the ones who are actually in poverty. Brooks tells a story about a homeless man who lived in terminals and one night a man walked up to him, this man goes around New York and hands out sandwiches and does other small gestures for the homeless. He and his wife started a homeless and job training organization for men called the “Doe Fund” (“The Conservative Heart” p.83). Brooks says, “the formula for the conservative heart, right from the Doe Fund’s living laboratory, all we have to do is remember four principles; people are assets, not liabilities, work is a blessing, not a punishment, values matter most in lifting people up, and help is important, but hope is essential” (“The Conservative Heart” p.105). He suggests that we need to get out and start putting these principles into action to actually see a change, such as the man and his wife did to build the “Doe Fund.” Could he be right? Could we actually try and change America from the mess that it’s is now? I believe the only way we could find out is if we went out and tried to make a difference like Brooks says. Brooks mentions a man by the name of, Richard Norat in his book and how he has learned and believes in the “American Dream” he has learned at the Doe Fund, “My American Dream is to be a part of the society, be a part of the community, to be able to live comfortably and not be afraid of someone taking it from me, knowing that I can wake up in the morning and I have a place to go to make my money, to have a job” (“The Conservative Heart” p.105). I think we can all learn from this, in the aspect of getting out into the community and get involved. If you look at the statistics, you will see that a lot of Americans don’t actually vote. The number of Americans that are eligible to vote is 218,959,000; the numbered registered to vote is 146,311,000; and the number of Americans who voted in the 2012 election is 126,144,000 which is 57.5% of Americans (“Voting Statistics” par. 1). Voting is a right but also a privilege, it gives us Americans a voice in who we want to run our community and our country, that’s a pretty big deal and almost half of the people eligible to vote, don’t get out and vote. Brooks’ whole point is the lessons of the conservative heart and how we have the right, duty, and privileged to help those below us, and how we must remind them of the “dignity of work and the importance of progress” (“The Conservative Heart p.130).
Brooks goes on by mentioning an “agenda” and to accomplished what we just mentioned involves; faith, family, community, and work or better yet, social justice. If we go on this agenda it will take us from fighting for things to fighting for people, which may get us further. He then finishes his book by explaining how to talk so the American people will listen. First is be a moralist, he says that it’s not that conservatives are too moralistic, it’s that they’re not moralistic enough, and I would have to agree because conservatives do have very strong viewpoints on things just like liberals have strong views on the same or other things, and it seems like conservatives aren’t expressing their beliefs as much as they can or should (“The Conservative Heart” p.184). Second, is like I already mentioned, fight for people, not against things. Third is to get happy, fourth is to steal all of the best arguments, fifth is to go where you’re not welcome, six is to say it in thirty seconds; which is logically because that’s when you have the most attention, and seven is to break your bad habits (“The Conservative Heart” p.212). Brooks’ reasoning for all of the principles is to show us that we must share what is written on the conservative
heart. I personally really enjoyed this book and agreed with about everything that Arthur Brooks had to say. On the other hand, a liberal might not enjoy this book too much because it’s highly conservative, hints the title “The Conservative Heart.” Even though, they may be able to learn from it because Arthur Brooks use to actually be a liberal. By reading this book, it made me realize different perspectives on things. I now want to get out and share the conservative heart with everyone because it’s more of a movement rather than just a name. I have already recommended this book to many people I know and will continue to do so, Arthur Brooks showed the kind of writer he is which is, excellent. Works Cited Brooks, Arthur. “Arthur C. Brooks.” Arthur C. Brooks. Arthur C. Brooks, 2015. Web. 20 October 2015. . Brooks, Arthur C. The Conservative Heart: How to Build aFairer, Happier, and more Prosperous America. United States: HaperCollins, 2015. Print. “Voting Statistics”.Statistic Brain Research Institute. Statistic Brain Research Institute 2015.Web. 22 October 2015. < http://www.statisticbrain.com/voting-statistics/>.
The “Monkey Trial” in 1925 was one of the most famous clashes in history between the Bible and evolution. The concept of the play was based on the Scopes Trial, but characters, actions, and words were altered. During the trial, William Jennings Bryan and Clarence Darrow went to court to try John Scopes for illegally teaching evolution, causing major complications in Dayton, Tennessee. In the play Inherit the Wind, the character, Henry Drummond, parallels his real-life counterpart, Clarence Darrow, through ¬his appearance, beliefs, and actions.
Boyer, Paul S. The Enduring Vision: A History of the American People. D.C. Heath and Company, Mass. © 1990
Conservative political ideology, often considered an anti-modern worldview, attracted a large number of people in the most technologically advanced and economically effervescent of American locales.
In Harold C. Livesay’s Andrew Carnegie and the rise of Big Business, Andrew Carnegie’s struggles and desires throughout his life are formed into different challenges of being the influential leader of the United States of America. The book also covers the belief of the American Dream in that people can climb up the ladder of society by hard work and the dream of becoming an influential citizen, just as Carnegie did.
Shortly after the American Revolution, the United States entered an era of profound economic and social change that was dominated first by the Market Revolution and subsequently by Andrew Jackson’s skillful use of the power of the presidency to crack down on capitalist exploitation. Jackson’s first biographer, James Parton, however, describes the legacy of the seventh President’s administration as one fraught with controversy, “Andrew Jackson was a patriot, and a traitor. He was the greatest of generals, and wholly ignorant of the art of war. He was the most candid of men, and capable of the profoundest dissimulation. He was a democratic autocrat, an urbane savage, an atrocious saint.”
James Oakes’ The Radical and the Republican narrated the relationship between two of America’s greatest leaders: Frederick Douglass, the “radical” abolitionist, and Abraham Lincoln, the “Republican” politician. He did an astonishing job of demonstrating the commonalities between the views of Douglass and Lincoln, but also their differences on their stance of anti-slavery politics and abolitionism. Despite being on the same side of the argument of slavery, Douglass and Lincoln went about their opinions separately. Lincoln held a more patient and orthodox stance on anti-slavery, while Douglass was proven to be obstinate and direct with
This again can be seen in the persona that they champion. In his paper “Presidential Address George W. Bush’s Cowboy Politics: An Inquiry” Stanley A. Renshon explores George W. Bush’s psychological state of mind and presents a man who is intimately tied to his home and his country. President Bush followed, and strove to uphold, a great moral and ethical code in the form of the constitution, just as Moskowitz states the mythical cowboy does. Renshon describes President George W. Bush as fiercely independent, and “his own man”, again characteristics associated by Moskowitz with the chivalric and romanticized mythical cowboy.
Life in America society is different, and while reading the two texts from Carr and Reagan, it becomes apparent that the society has evolved to the worst. Society went from a courageous “bagpipe player in the middle of a bloody battle”(Reagan ) to “A guy suing after his dog confuses a restaurant for a fire hydrant” (Carr 2). The two authors show a huge contrast while using different tones and analogies to catch the attention of the people they are trying to reach. Has American society decline that much from the World War II era? Carr seems to think so and reading Reagan’s speech shows how there is a clear difference.
Hofstadter, Richard. The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It. New York: Vintage, 1989.
"Lost Hearts" written by M R James is a disturbing yet intriguing short story. M R James uses intense descriptions and shows ghostly figures to create tension. Throughout the story unpredicted events take place. Mr Abney’s obsession with pagans and religion makes the reader question why he is so interested about taking in his orphan cousin and how it could benefit him. “The Professor of Greek at Cambridge had been heard to say that no one knew more of the religious beliefs of the later pagans than did the owner of Aswarby.” We learn about the disappearance of the two previous children who had also been taken in by Mr Abney. After the ghostly sightings of the two children with their hearts ripped out, are witnessed by young cousin Stephen, it creates a sense of foreshadowing events and suggests to the reader, the third victim will be innocent Stephen.
Expansive growth was the moniker which expressly defined the Gilded Age. Industry in all sectors, witnessed massive growth leading to the creation of an American economy. Due to the rapidly changing nature of industrialization important men of both the public and private sectors attempted to institute their own controls over it. However this transforming landscape integrated both economic and political changes, but also cultural and social interactions. In turn, those who controlled the flow of business would also steadily impact the American social scene by extension. Alan Trachtenberg, professor of American studies at Yale and author of The Incorporation of America, argues that the system of incorporation unhinged the idea of national identity that all American’s had previously shared. As a result incorporation became the catalyst for the great debate about what it meant to actually be American, and who was capable of labeling themselves as such. Throughout his work Trachtenberg consistently tackles the ideas of cultural identity and how those ideas struggled against one another to be the supreme definition of Americanism. This work not only brings to life the issue of identity but it attempts to synthesize various scholarly works into a cohesive work on the Gilded Age and demonstrates that concepts developed during the incorporation of the time period have formed the basis for the American cultural, economic, and political superstructure. The Incorporation of America sets a high standard for itself one in which it doesn’t necessarily meet; however the work is still expansive and masterful at describing the arguments of the Gilded Age.
Thursday night the Phillips Center for Performing Arts hosted a very special guest appearance by the Reforms Party presidential candidate Pat Buchanan. In the year of presidential elections the two popular candidates George Bush and Al Gore really don’t lash out on each other, which makes this years debates boring and long. Pat Buchanan is refreshing to the sense he doesn’t care what he says about the other candidates. Pat Buchanan’s history includes serving as an assistant to Richard Nixon, and also to Ronald Regan. An accomplished journalist in his younger career, Pat Buchanan wrote speeches for the Reykjavik summit with Mikhail Gorbachev, and Richard Nixon’s popular speech to the opening of China in 1972.
By adding social issues to the conservative agenda, the New Right weakened the establishment’s movement, contradicting and discrediting its fundamental principles. The new social agenda contradicted Old Right’s belief in limited government and individual rights. Today, the New Right continues to grow and the Christian Right continues to gain political power. Republican candidates are considered politically dead unless they secure the support of the Christian Coalition. Before the New Right comes to embody “conservativism” within American political discourse, Old Right conservatives must discard the dissenter’s social initiatives and reclaim the establishment’s conservative agenda: remove the New Right’s social agenda, return to establishment’s conservative ideals, and develop policies based on limited government, free market, and individual liberty.
Modern liberalism and modern conservatism are both political outlooks that involve acceptance or support of the balance of the degree of social equality and social inequality; while they tend to avoid political changes that would result in extreme deviation of society to either side. Modern liberalism and modern conservatism tend not to be as centrist or middle-of-the-road ideologies as they once could be. Ideology is a set of ideas and beliefs that guide the goals, expectations, and actions of a group (Webster’s Dictionary). Individuals who are conservative or liberal tend to have views that align within a political party, whether it be Republican or democratic, but this is not always the case. There are conservative democrats, such as, Jim Costa and Jim Cooper and there are liberal republicans, such as, Nathaniel Banks and George Washington Julian. Another name for conservative democrats would be blue dog democrats while the nickname for liberal republicans is the Rockefeller republicans. These two ideologies tend to be more of the centrist ideologies. Modern liberals tend to be members of the Democratic Party because they support a wide range of welfare programs and government support of the public sector and tighter corporate regulations (PP Modern Liberalism). U.S. Conservatism evolved from classical liberalism, which makes them similar, yet there is many differences between modern conservatism and modern liberalism. There are principles and tenets that govern each ideology. A tenant is a belief or idea that is held as being true from a group (Webster’s Dictionary). In understanding both ideologies, it is imperative to have an understanding of classical liberalism. Classical liberalism was built on ideas from the seventeenth ...
...an philosopher. "And the west, encumbered by crippling alliances, and burdened with a morality too rigid to accommodate itself to the swing of events, must… eventually… fall." (174) Albee suggests that, behind the façade of the American dream, behind the pretense of American ideals, behind the false front of the tranquility of American society in the early 60's, America's internal corruption and emptiness threatened, and perhaps continue to threaten, the country with a similar fall.