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The concept of power in international relations
The concept of power as a tool for international relations
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A Critical Evaluation of William J. Fulbright’s “On the Arrogance of Power, 1966” With power comes responsibility. However, the responsibility to act in foreign conflicts has always been cause for skepticism, especially in America. In his essay "On the Arrogance of Power, 1966", Senator William J. Fulbright uses all three categories of Aristotle’s rhetorical strategies to successfully argue why America’s arrogance of power is not always well received by the countries it is trying to help. Fulbright argues that it is America’s power that makes it arrogant when involving themselves with the plights of other countries. Although his argument is not without flaws, Fulbright uses emotion, logic, and credibility to make a strong argument for why …show more content…
America might be better off setting an example to the world through inaction rather than assuming the responsibility to help those who are reluctant to receive it. When speaking on matters relating to Americas foreign policies, Senator William J. Fulbright speaks with both authority and credibility. Although Fulbright does not make any obvious ethical appeals within the body of his essay, as both an American and a Senator he is able to convince the reader that he is well educated on the matter. Throughout “On the Arrogance of Power, 1966” Fulbright relates to his peers but presents alternate views on how America should react to the predicaments of foreign countries. Fulbrights strategy of presenting an alternate view without openly criticizing his peers only adds value to his argument. Fulbright’s credibility is not the only strength in his argument.
Throughout his essay Fulbright makes several appeals to the emotions of the reader. By making strong emotional appeals Fulbright strengthens his position by making the reader experience a range of emotions from anger to empathy. For example, Fulbrigt starts his essay characterizing America as arrogant. An accusation of arrogance would generally envoke anger. However, Fulbright quickly explains that it is Americas overwhelming power that makes it arrogant when interacting with impoverished countries. Fulbright explains that the South Vietnamese resist America’s presence because they fear they would lose their coveted traditions due to the great cultural and economic impact associated with America. By doing so, not only does Fulbright make the reader feel validated but he also makes them feel empathy towards the impoverished South …show more content…
Vietnamese. The strongest emotional appeals made within his argument are those directed to the American people who are presumably his target audience.
Several times throughout his essay, Fulbright asks that the American people set a precedent to other countries by not participating in foreign affairs but rather to use its positive relationships with other countries to exemplify strength. By explaining that America’s positive relations with other countries shows its ability to be cooperative, understanding, reliable, and respectful, Fulbright plays on the emotion of his target audience. Furthermore, Fulbright asks that if America must act, that it do so with both empathy and compassion. In his conclusion, Fulbright states “It will involve, no doubt, the loss of certain glories, but that seems a price worth paying for the probable rewards, which are the happiness of America and the peace of the world” (Fulbright). By insinuating that America is capable of happiness and promoting world peace in consideration of his proposal, Fulbright invites his readers to feel hopeful and
enthusiastic. Many parts of Fulbrights essay make logical appeals to the reader. Throughout his essay Fulbright describes actual encounters between American soldiers and the South Vietnamese people. Fulbright presents incidents of assaults on American soldiers, burned American jeeps, and Americans being referred to as both “Imperialists” and “Communists”. Fulbright is able to present factual and logical reasoning behind his many claims that Americans were not welcomed by the people of South Vietnam. Given the economic and cultural differences between the America and South Vietnam, Fulbright is able to make logical deductions as to why America’s presence might upset the South Vietnamese. Although most likely the American people have nothing but good intentions for the people of South Vietnam, the South Vietnamese may see their presence as a violation to their way of life. Throughout his essay Fulbright continually compliments America and its intentions but provides a lot of insight supported by actual events to conclude why South Vietnam might consider their presence an insult. Fulbright states “Our very strength is a reproach to their weakness, out wealth a mockery of their poverty, our success a reminder of their failures” (Fulbright). William J. Fulbright’s “On the Arrogance of Power, 1966” presented a successful argument as to why America should not always assume the responsibility to aid in foreign countries unless invited. Although Fulbright uses this essay as a means to criticize Americas over involvement in foreign affairs, his argument is presented with credibility and solid emotional and logical appeals that the reader might feel strongly compounded to agree with Fulbright’s very opinionated views. Works Cited Fulbright, William J. “On the Arrogance of Power, 1966.” Department of Physics: University of Washington Online. n.d. Web. 19 November 2015.
The United States has a long history of great leaders who, collectively, have possessed an even wider range of religious and political convictions. Perhaps not unexpectedly, their beliefs have often been in conflict with one another, both during coinciding eras, as well as over compared generations. The individual philosophies of William Jennings Bryan, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, with regard to America’s roles in world affairs and foreign diplomacy; are both varied and conflicted. Despite those conflicts however, each leader has left his own legacy behind, in terms of how the U.S. continues to engage in world affairs today.
As the United States developed into a world economic power, it also became a military and political power. Certain things led Americans to become more involved in world affairs, such as territorial growth. There were also consequences to the nation’s new role, like conflict between citizens and people of power. United States government and leaders had to learn the “hard way”, the challenges and negativity that they would face, such as loss of money and lack of control between certain nations, and the positive effects such as expansion of territory and alliances.
It is somehow strange for today’s reader to find out that the situation with America’s foreign affairs hasn’t changed much. As some clever people have said, “The History book on the shelf is always repeating itself.” Even after nineteen years, Americans think of themselves as citizens of the strongest nation in the world. Even after the September the 11th. Even after Iraq. And Afghanistan.
Between 1895 and 1920, the years in which William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, William Taft, and Woodrow Wilson reigned in the presidents, the United States struggled for not only justice at home but abroad as well. During this period policies such as Roosevelt’s Big Stick diplomacy, William Taft’s Dollar diplomacy, and Woodrow Wilson’s Moral diplomacy were all used in foreign affairs in hopes of benefit for all involved. However, it would be appropriate to say that self-interest was the most important driving factor for American policy and can be exemplified through economic, social, and political relations.
Throughout the case study, “Relief of General MacArthur,” General MacArthur displays legitimate, coercive, referent, and informational power. General MacArthur worked his way up to becoming a general, therefore displaying legitimacy. He has referent power because he is considered a “military hero and politically powerful,” and he demonstrated coercive power in that he led in a defensive approach. The President would restrict him, yet he would ignore the restrictions and go forward with his plan. General MacArthur, towards the end of the case study, exemplified informational power when he continuously met with the press and used information to criticize President Truman. President Truman, on the other hand, displayed legitimate power, referent power, and coercive power. President Truman also worked his way to becoming the President. The American people had to cast a vote for him to be elected making this both legitimate and referent. He displayed coercive power when he reprimanded General MacArthur by restricting his authority.
Without understanding the importance of foreign relations the American people’s way of life could be at stake. Not only could the economic strength of the U.S. diminish, but the military might of the U.S. could also be compromised. Mead argues that without the centrality of foreign policy being evident in American politics the happiness of the world is at risk. “Since the United States has become the central power in a worldwide system of finance, communications, and trade, it is not only the American people whose happiness and security will be greatly affected by the quality of American foreign policy in coming years (Mead 176). I contend that without a strong emphasis on foreign policy, we could begin to see the end of American
...nure there are individuals who cultivate a positive change in the lives of the people in Sarkhan and Southeast Asia. These individuals are able to win friends for America and improve the living conditions of those who desperately need it. Unfortunately, Ambassador MacWhite failed to do the same. The full responsibility for the failure of his mission in Sarkan falls on MacWhite. Although dedicated, he was unprepared for the realities of Southeast Asia. Among all the mistakes he made, in each one he failed to start with the smaller things. He was reminded throughout his tenure both by the examples of individuals making a difference and direct suggestion from respected officials. Had he established a feeling of genuine concern for the population and a set of principles to combat the problems in Sarkhan, he may have succeeded in shaping foreign policy in the region.
Woodrow Wilson was the 28th President of the United States and held the office from 1913-1921. He became known as “the Crusader” due to his foreign policy theory that America should be a beacon of liberty and aggressively pursue the spread of democracy throughout the world. His policy would enable America to prosper economically and develop an international security community through the promotion of democracy in other nations. While former Secretary of State Kissinger writes in his book Diplomacy that 20th century American foreign policy has been driven by Wilsonian idealism, an analysis of 21st century US foreign policy reveals that, in fact, US foreign policy has been influenced by ideals that can be characterized as Hamiltonian, Jeffersonian, and Jacksonian as well.
The title “Era of Good Feelings” is given to the time period of 1815 to 1825, which is recognized for the young nation’s flourishing development. For the most part this label is inaccurate, since sectionalism was profoundly more predominant than nationalism in the country, after the War of 1812. Even though, the nation showed moments of unity portraying success, the tensions pulling the nation apart are more evident. Situations involving internal issues were covered up through solving foreign problems. Thus, the underlying disputes in America were neglected and the nation chose to concentrate more on the country’s international diplomacy. The “Era of Good Feelings” was a suitable description for U.S.’ approach to global matters, but when the conditions at home are studied inclusively, the “good feelings” happen to be an illusion.
George Washington, the first president of the United States, had written a very important historical speech and document towards the end of his time in office. He had written the Farewell address which focused on helping America understand the importance of preserving unity, acknowledging the rise of political parties forming, strengthening religion and morality, and he stated his position on American foreign policy. He addressed these ideas with strong tone and used incredible amount of dictions that strengthens his tone as well as representing his appeal to ethos to a strong degree. However, today’s society seemed to forget Washington’s position on foreign policy and has created a new form of the policy. But nonetheless as time grew, change occurs. In today’s society Washington’s foreign policy would include many positive and negative manifestations, but it is still a speech and document that will always apply to America.
Sears took the position of ambassador in Sarkhan, only for the sumptuous living conditions. He is categorized as narcissistic because of the lack of involvement with the Sarkhanese. Sears did not take the initiative to learn the language, or interact with the natives. Due to this he was not truly aware of the complications going on in the country. Lederer and Burdick express how not to be like a Lou Sears by committing to a high position for leisure. Moreover, Joe Bing was just as ostentatious as Lou Sears. Joe Bing was a well-known American that was loved by everyone except Asians. He is characterized as narrow-minded because he only associated himself with “western-educated, and decently dressed” Americans (59). Not to mention, he only acknowledges the extravagance, and the exceptional benefits you receive when you go abroad. Since most Americans were fascinated in living an opulent lifestyle, these countries do not get the finest Americans to aid them. Given these points , the authors displayed to the audience that in reality there are people who only value themselves, and choose to disregard how that may have an affect others.
In this situation, the author uses the emotional appeal of pathos as well as logos, to logically explain how arrogance of power affects the thoughts and actions of American travelers. According to Fulbright, “Foreigners frequently comment… in our own country, they say, we are hospitable and considerate, but as soon as we get outside our own borders something seems to get into us and wherever we are we become noisy and demanding and we strut around as if we owned the place “ (3). In many countries, American companies have a strong presence in the economy and American hotels and restaurants are available to protect and cater to American travelers. In some instances, the American military may be stationed in a country or at the very least, its population may be aware that their survival is dependent on the “wisdom with which American uses her immense military power” (Fulbright 3). Therefore, when an American travels, he or she may unconsciously be affected by this knowledge as were “Greeks and Romans, …Spaniards, Germans, and Englishmen, in the brief high noons of their respective ascendancies” (Fulbright
In the essay ?Shooting an Elephant? by George Orwell, the author uses metaphors to represent his feelings on imperialism, the internal conflict between his personal morals, and his duty to his country. Orwell demonstrates his perspectives and feelings about imperialism.and its effects on his duty to the white man?s reputation. He seemingly blends his opinions and subjects into one, making the style of this essay generally very simple but also keeps it strong enough to merit numerous interpretations. Orwell expresses his conflicting views regarding imperialism throughout the essay by using three examples of oppression and by deliberatly using his introspection on imperialism.
Nye, Jr., Joseph S. “Hard and Soft Power in American Foreign Policy.” In Paradox of American Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 4-17. Print.
Who is controlling our society and who are the Power Elite? Investors, the wealthy, the military, and politicians control every aspect of our social construction. The Power Elite are those people who occupy society's top positions of power. They are leaders for the middle and lower socioeconomic classes. They are the ones that move back and forth in the three realms of our society. The military, the government, the economy; they are the elite who control these forces that makes our society function.