The simple argument that nothing last forever is not always true. There are a few aspects throughout history that are timeless such as a diamond’s reflection of love and (the pleasure of popping bubble wrap) (the sun rising in the East and setting in the West) (hand written letters). When Senator Fulbright wrote Arrogance of Power, he established a fundamentally timeless argument that could be used for any direct action foreign policy decision. While his goal was the reduction of intervention in the United States involvement in Vietnam, he created a blueprint for the hands-off approach in the development of a less dominant country for not only the Unites States and Vietnam but to any major power’s intervention in another country’s affairs. …show more content…
Senator Fulbright established his arguments in Arrogance of Power as a mix of all three persuasion styles.
However, he focuses his essay on the logos, logical argument, and pathos, emotional plea, styles. In a pathos appeal, Fulbright wrote “We are still acting like boy scouts dragging reluctant old ladies across streets they do not want to cross”. This argument establishes a visceral retort to the reader’s potential bias from his attempt to alter their original belief. Senator Fulbright had an uphill battle he faced in persuading people to embrace his beliefs. In using a pathos appeal, especially one that is so uniquely American, he created a disarming blow to put the reader off balance to look at his ideas and remove their own bias. He creates the comparison that the United States wants to be the helpful boy looking for that elderly lady who does not want any help at all. Thus, the boy feels he is completing a great benefit but is forcing his help on someone who has no desire for it. This same argument could be used outside the original essay and be used toward the United States actions in the Cuban revolution or Libyan independence. The United States became involved in both sovereign country’s problems forcing the belief that they needed our help as the United States believed it was needed in …show more content…
Vietnam. The timeless arguments do not end with the comparisons. There are nearly direct quotes that can be usurped to identify as an argument to previous and future wars. When Fulbright wrote about the events in Vietnam, a simple swap of a few words could produce a valid argument for events related to the Somali crisis in the 1990s. Early last month demonstrators in Saigon [Mogadishu] burned American jeeps [Humvees], tried to assault [killed] American soldiers, and marched through the streets shouting "Down with the American imperialists," while one of the Buddhist leaders [local warlords] made a speech equating the United States with the communists [European colonists] as a threat to South Vietnamese [Somali] independence. By exchanging out a few words, the essay reinforces the timeless nature of Senator Fulbright’s argument. They create a template for future policy makers to establish a logos based argumentative rhetoric to aid their position. In updating the quote, a valid argument is created in why the United States should not have been participating in Somalian affairs. Senator Fulbright then creates the appeal that the United States should simply be an example for the world to follow.
This logical argument follows the stance that by providing a grand example of what a country and culture can look like, the United States will invoke that desire in others that want it. He argues that by providing this example, it would create improved relationships with countries and cultures, first world to third world. He finalizes his essay with a quote from John Quincy Adams “be ‘the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all’ but ‘the champion and vindicator only of her own.’…” (qtd. in Fulbright). In this quote, Senator Fulbright completes his essay arguing that the United States should become a cheerleader for other countries freedom but only providing direct action to her own future. This concept transcends the Vietnam War with the ability to incorporate the same quote as it relates to another country’s response to the Yugoslavian civil war or the 1991 Haitian
coup. Arrogance of Power creates multiple timeless arguments why the United States should take a back seat in other country’s affairs. The essay was presented originally about the Vietnam war, however nearly every argument that he created can be easily flipped to establish a valid argument about any direct action foreign policy decision a country could make. Therefore, Arrogance of Power is a timeless piece that was not only useful 51 years ago but will be useful in the centuries to come.
The United States has a long history of great leaders who, collectively, have possessed an even wider range of religious and political convictions. Perhaps not unexpectedly, their beliefs have often been in conflict with one another, both during coinciding eras, as well as over compared generations. The individual philosophies of William Jennings Bryan, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, with regard to America’s roles in world affairs and foreign diplomacy; are both varied and conflicted. Despite those conflicts however, each leader has left his own legacy behind, in terms of how the U.S. continues to engage in world affairs today.
Helen Keller, against all odds, became a mouthpiece for many causes in the early to mid-twentieth century. She advocated for causes such as building institutions for the blind, schools for the deaf, women’s suffrage and pacifism. When America was in the most desperate of times, her voice stood out. Helen Keller spoke at Carnegie Hall in New York raising her voice in protest of America’s decision to join the World War. The purpose of this paper will analyze the devices and methods Keller used in her speech to create a good ethos, pathos, and logos.
It is somehow strange for today’s reader to find out that the situation with America’s foreign affairs hasn’t changed much. As some clever people have said, “The History book on the shelf is always repeating itself.” Even after nineteen years, Americans think of themselves as citizens of the strongest nation in the world. Even after the September the 11th. Even after Iraq. And Afghanistan.
...en’s novel shows the soldiers’ innermost thoughts and concerns and internal conflicts which appear to outweigh the communist cause. The Things They Carried demonstrates the soldiers’ opposition to the war. However, the U. S. remained focused on preventing a communist takeover. The United States enormous political power affected history
The book A Concise History of U.S. Foreign Policy, by Joyce Kaufman, and the essay, American Foreign Policy Legacy by Walter Mead both acknowledge the history, and the importance of American foreign policy. The two argue that American foreign policy has always been an essential aspect of the prosperity and health of the United States. After reading these writings myself, I can agree that American foreign policy in the U.S. has always been detrimental to the success of this nation. Throughout history most Americans have had very little interest in foreign affairs, nor understood the importance. This essay will address the importance of foreign policy, why Americans have little interest in foreign affairs, and what the repercussions
...es when it comes to implementing controversial foreign policy decisions that directly affect Americans and those in different countries. The main aspect of the affair that greatly influences the United States’ government is ensuring that its past imperialistic motives do not become an integral part of American affairs once again.
It is the intention of this essay to explain the United States foreign policy behind specific doctrines. In order to realize current objectives, this paper will proceed as follows: Part 1 will define the Monroe Doctrine, Sections 2, 3, 4, and 5 will concurrently explicate the Roosevelt Corollary, Good Neighbor Policy, and the Nixon Doctrine, discuss how each policy resulted in U.S. involvement in Latin American countries, describe how it was justified by the U.S. government, respectively, and finally, will bring this paper to a summation and conclusion.
George Washington, the first president of the United States, had written a very important historical speech and document towards the end of his time in office. He had written the Farewell address which focused on helping America understand the importance of preserving unity, acknowledging the rise of political parties forming, strengthening religion and morality, and he stated his position on American foreign policy. He addressed these ideas with strong tone and used incredible amount of dictions that strengthens his tone as well as representing his appeal to ethos to a strong degree. However, today’s society seemed to forget Washington’s position on foreign policy and has created a new form of the policy. But nonetheless as time grew, change occurs. In today’s society Washington’s foreign policy would include many positive and negative manifestations, but it is still a speech and document that will always apply to America.
Before World War II, it became very clear that the US would play a new, and important leading role in the world. Henry Luce, author of The American Century, wrote about the new roles he anticipated the US to have. His essay calls the US to action in leading the rest of the world in our ways. About a year later on May 8th, 1942, Vice President Henry Wallace proposed similar ideas in a speech. He and Luce both saw the US as leading powers but disagreed on how the leading should be done. Wallace portrays the US in a friendlier manner. He calls the upcoming era the century of the common man while Luce calls it the American century. This topic is relevant today. How much involvement should leading countries have in developing ones and how should
The American political economy of freedom seemingly was at risk. Thus, the Truman administration switched to an “adversarial relationship”. However, the foreign policy challenge, as Dean Acheson stresses, “was to foster an environment in which our national life and individual freedom can survive and prosper (Leffler, The Specter of Communism, 63).
...hat involve the situation but also the people of the country they are dealing with, because they might cut off aid to a country because the leader of the country might be a dictator the people would have to live in poverty. (14) I think this would be the best position because everyone would benefit from the situation. (15)In the Geneva Conference the U.S should have stayed out of Indochina’s business. The Chilean Revolution they United States should have never cut off aid to Chile for the reason being that the citizens of Chile would live in poverty. In the Panama Canal the United States did the right thing because they built it and owned it for several years and then in the year 2000 it passed it to the government of Panama.(16)in conclusion the United States should keep working on being the leading country of the world and not bring anymore problems upon themselves.
In closing, W.D Howells is successful in his use of these methods of argument. “Editha” paints a clear picture of the men who must fight and the people who casually call for war. He proves Editha’s motives are unworthy of devotion. After all, it is easy to sit back and call for war when it will be the common enlisted man who will die to provide this luxury. In the end, Howells made his point clear. War never comes without sacrifice or consequence.
...from the building of skyscrapers to the railroads, and imperialism. We have moved all the way westward and what there is to do is to globalize our nation and continue to help improve the nations that we help guide. We first need to make sure that we are practicing democracy, free trade, our values, freedom, and our beliefs. This is what it means to be an exceptional nation. Other nations look to us, and when we don’t respond accordingly or if we don’t practice what we preach, they will call us hypocrites.
Nye, Jr., Joseph S. “Hard and Soft Power in American Foreign Policy.” In Paradox of American Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 4-17. Print.
How do the terms or implementation of treaties determine peace or conflict decades later? Efforts to build a just and lasting peace are complicated not only because past grievances must be addressed, but future interests must be anticipated-even when such future interests were not identified as the cause of war in the first place. Edward Teller, discussing the Manhattan Project, observed, "No endeavor which is worthwhile is simple in prospect; if it is right, it will be simple in retrospect."2 Only if a nation perceives that continuing observance of the treaty will sustain the state over a long period of time and in changing circumstances, the peace and security promised by the treaty will endure. Machiavelli observed that ". . . fear of loss of the State by a prince or republic will overcome both gratitude and treaties."3