The author of the Dark Days in the Newsroom, Edward Alwood, explores Cold War tension in his examination of how journalists were targeted during the anti-communist hysteria of the 1950s, how some cooperated by turning over names while others resisted in an effort to defend the freedom of the press. The author shows how some journalists mounted a heroic defense of freedom of the press while others secretly enlisted in the government's anti-Communist campaign. McCarthyism in journalism became the practice of leveling accusations of disloyalty, subversion, or treason publicly without providing evidence or protecting civil liberties. It relied on devious methods of investigation that were designed to suppress opposition. McCarthyism’s power underlays the ability to threaten principled people and turn them into self-serving cowards. It is a shocking violation of the First Amendment protection and a disturbing expression of the government’s ability to intimidate the press. The McCarthyism era changed the journalism significantly; the impact of the Eastland hearings and subsequent court cases about freedom of the press could be traced in the Valerie Plame case in the summer of 2005. Dark Days in the Newsroom concentrates on the 1955-56 Eastland investigation of the New York Times. “The Mississippi Democrat James Eastland and his colleagues put the newspaper industry on the defensive on the rights of the accused to face their accusers and cross-examine witnesses and the powers of Congress to hold witnesses in contempt or charge them with perjury if they refused to answer questions” (Alwood, 3). Alwood brings into the public domain new information about McCarthyism’s conspiracy against the press and the FBI’s complicity through a thorough... ... middle of paper ... ... into our class material perfectly. We talked about the Red Scarce and the McCarthyism era and how people were scared of the socialistic threat during the 1940s and 1950s. Arguing that the experiences of the McCarthy years profoundly influenced the practice of journalism, he shows how many of the issues faced by journalists in the 1950s prefigure today's conflicts over the right of journalists to protect their sources. The journalists’ treatment was unfair that is why they believed that going to jail is better than stating false facts in front of the court because they were innocent. “If you don’t stand for what you believe in, don’t risk a decision because you think you might lose, I think that is a short-sighted approach” (Alwood, 148) This is a fascinating and detailed look at one aspect of the McCarthy era that continues to influence contemporary journalism.
Murrow held on October 25, 1958 followed with a speech from him on the stage. The movie flashbacks to Murrow’s life as a journalist and the efforts made in his television program, See It Now. It provided insight into the issues that occurred inside the CBS News building such as the decisions that Murrow bypassed by his Chief, William S. Paley. In addition, the screen paused to provide information that read: “Throughout the 1940’s and 1950’s America was overwhelmed with concerns about the threat of communism. Senator Joseph McCarthy made a public accusation that more than two hundred ‘card-carrying’ communists had infiltrated the United States government. Few in the press were willing to stand up against McCarthy for fear they would be targets (SITE MOVIE).” This showed background information how the fear of communism was a big issue in the 1940’s and 1950’s. In addition, the movie included many visual references to the issue of communism from previous recordings that show how McCarthy acts and what he says about
At the start of the 20th century, journalists had begun to play an important role in exposing wrongdoings within politics and society. These journalists, often called muckrakers, used their journalism to focus on political flaws and corruption in city governments. Several popular publishers adopted this form of journalism, which became widely popular
In the beginning of McCarthy’s political career, he was already walking on thin ice. He launched a series of charges against the government. The first charge was against the communist global apparatus. McCarthy said that the organization had made a sustained attempt to penetrate the United States government and attempt to subvert its foreign policy decisions. The second charge was against the United States government itself. McCarthy said that the official defenses against foreign penetration ranged from weak to nonexistent. The third and final charge was against the government of America, ...
President Richard M. Nixon and his involvement in the Watergate scandal were broadcast nightly on the 6 o’clock news in the early 1970’s. Americans were engrossed with the scandal and each person held his or her own view of situation. Each broadcast or newspaper article created a mistrust of political and governmental leaders. In response to this mistrust, the Freedom to Information Act was strengthened by the United States Congress in 1973 (Chamberlain). Although this act was first placed into law in the late 1960’s, the Watergate scandal provided the incentive make this law stronger.
Benson, Sonia, Daniel E. Brannen Jr., and Rebecca Valentine. “Joseph McCarthy.” UXL Encyclopedia of U.S. History. Eds. Lawrence W. Baker and Sarah Hermson. Vol. 5: K-M. Detroit: Cengage Learning, 2009. Print. 8 vols.
...republication question for reporter: Is this information I would like to have if I were the enemy?” (PBS – Censorship par. 2). Big secrets were kept for years from its own people as well as from other countries such as the atom bomb and about the health of Franklin Roosevelt. The media and government encouraged families to write their loved ones about anything but the war. While “civil servants were reading and censoring a million pieces of mail weekly, especially those to or from POW’s and other internees” (PBS – Censorship par 7).
Since the 1950s, most Americans have condemned the McCarthyite witch-hunts and show trials. By large majorities, Americans oppose firing communists from their jobs or banning communist speakers or books.[2] But over the past several years, increasing numbers of historians, writers and intellectuals have sought to minimize, explain away and justify McCarthyism. A spate of books and articles touting new historical evidence has tried to demonstrate that communism posed a real danger to American society in the 1940s and 1950s. They argue that even if some innocent people suffered and McCarthy was reckless, he was responding to a real threat.[3] As a result, Joe McCarthy doesn't look so irresponsible in hindsight.
... of his suspicions. Back then it was considered taboo to have any relation or alliance with a Communism source. In this case McCarthy is correct in suspecting that Radulovich could quite possibly be affiliated with Communism. Though his motives may have been correct, his tactics were unjust and rash. It is part of Murrow’s career as a Journalist to seek out the facts, and confirm them with credible sources and evidence, therefore Murrow has a greater foundation on which to rest his defending statements. McCarthy’s claims however provide no valid grounds and lack the stance necessary to create a solid and logical argument. The way Murrow defends Radulovich may lead to a conclusion that Murrow could quite possibly be a Communist.
Schrecker, Ellen. The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford of St. Martin's, 1994. Print.
Taking advantage of the situation, Joseph McCarthy, a right wing senator, accused thousands of public figures of being a communist or associating with the group, and brought many of them to court for it. Most of the people targeted during this time were well known by the public, usually being a government official, celebrity, or homosexual, and shared a common viewpoint; they were well known for being a leftist (“Joseph R. McCarthy”). He often had little evidence to backup his claims, but proceeded to blame the advancement of communist governments on secret communists in the US government. When the accused were brought to court, McCarthy would often times exaggerate their views to where it could be believable that they were communists, but in most cases there was never enough proof to indict them. His position of power is what allowed him to continue to reveal the secret communists in the US, even with his lack of information to backup his claims. McCarthy wasn’t the only one exposing innocent people as communists throughout the country (“McCarthy Says Communists Are in State Department”). After seeing how he could still succeed and people were still supporting him, groups emerged solely to expose communists living in the US, just like McCarthy was doing. Mccarthy’s actions lead to a mass hysteria of falsely exposing people as communists, and
Bonila, Denise M., and Levy, Beth, Eds. The Power of the Press. H. W. Wilson, 1999.
Yellow journalism is “a scandal-mongering practice of journalism that emerged in New York” during the nineteenth century (Kennedy and Cohen 558). This form of propaganda was influential during a time of war because it persuaded many indecisive Americans. For example, William Randolph Hearst had “the most influential newspaper in New York” (Crucible of Empire). In his newspaper, the New York Journal, he was able to spin stories in ways that he wanted to; thereby controlling the public and their thoughts and opinions on certain issues. In particular, his article about the sinking of the Maine was one of the biggest and most influential stories he published (“Yellow Journalism” par. 3). “After the sinking of the Maine, the Hearst newspapers, with no evidence, unequivocally blamed the Spanish” and the public quickly followed (“Yellow Journalism” par. 3). His story changed America’s view on the situation and eventually provoked action. The Spanish American War marked a change in the way many wars were typically fought. At the turn of the century, “the United States emerged as a world power, and the U.S. press proved its influence” (“Yellow Journalism” par. 4). As shown in the documentary, Crucible of Empire, the Spanish American War changed the way Americans approached war by introducing the practice of yellow journalism and influential
Taken at face value, Norman Mailer’s Armies of the Night and Tom Wolfe’s The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test may seem very similar. They are both centered on a major author of the 1960s and his experiencing of historical events of the time, while set in the style of New Journalism. When examined closer, though, it becomes apparent that these novels represent two very different sides of New Journalism – Armies of the Night an autobiography with personal and political motivations, The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test a sociological piece which tries to capture the essence of its subjects rather than the absolute facts. By looking at the form and style which the novels were written in and the motives behind Mailer’s Armies of the Night and Wolfe’s The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test it is revealed how these novels represent the two major directions which New Journalism can take.
Woodward and Bernstein's undertaking constructed the cornerstone for the modern role of the media. The making of the movie about the Watergate Scandal and the ventures of the two journalists signify the importance of the media. The media’s role as intermediary is exemplified throughout the plot of the movie. The movie is the embodiment of journalism that guides future journalists to progress towards the truth, no matter what they are going up against. It was the endeavor of Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein that led them to the truth behind the president’s men. They showed that not even the president is able to deter the sanctity of journalism in its search of truth. The freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, and people’s right to know account for the same truth that journalists pursue; the truth that democracy is alive and will persist to live on.
Roberts, Steven V. "McCarthy Group Seeks to Put Antiwar Candidate on Ballot." New York Times August 22, 1968: 1.