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Indigenous rights in australia conclusion 100 words
Challenges for Indigenous people in Australia
Challenges for Indigenous people in Australia
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Question 1
In order to determine if the Adnyamathanha’s native title claim is valid, they must demonstrate that they have “maintained Aboriginal law and customs on that land” and that “no other titles allowing ownership of that land [have] extinguished…the native title” . This criteria is based on the decision in Mabo v Queensland (No 2) (1992) 175 CLR 1 (“Mabo [No 2]”) , and supported in The Wik Peoples v Queensland (1996) 141 ALR 129 (“Wik”) and Western Australia v Ward (2002) 191 ALR 1 (“Ward”) . A successful claim is also dependent on the specific South Australian legislation that provides protection to both pastoral leases in the Adnyamathanha’s area of claim – that is, the Land Act 1888 (SA) . If it can be proven that the Goldberg
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and Pollini pastoral leases have not extinguished native title in their areas , then the Adnyamathanha’s full claim for native title over the Northern Flinders Ranges may be granted. The history of native title and terra nullius in Australian law is significant to the future of Indigenous land rights and any potential claimants.
Since the 1990s, the protections that native title grants have been defined under a number of case law and statute law provisions. In Mabo [No 2], the High Court ruled that Australia’s status as terra nullius was invalid and that native title had existed as a part of Australian law since 1788 . Additionally, Mabo v Queensland (1988) 166 CLR 186 (“Mabo [No 1]”) found that the Queensland Coast Islands Declaratory Act 1985 (QLD) was inconsistent with the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) and thus invalid in its deliberate curtailing of Indigenous land rights in the Queensland area. Although the concessions granted in both Mabo cases gave unprecedented recognition to native title, it was also the precursor to the creation of limited legal rights in order for the Australian and Indigenous legal systems to coexist. The community backlash after Mabo [No 2], especially among pastoralists and farmers who feared their existing land rights would be eroded by a wave of native title claims , led the Keating Government to create the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) . This was done in an effort to codify Mabo [No 2] in statute law, give federal recognition to the land rights of the Indigenous peoples, and to guide native titles co-existence with current Australian land rights. The Act was further amended by the Howard Government in 2007 , and …show more content…
again in 2009 by the Rudd Government . Native title is currently a contentious and, generally, poorly understood area of deliberation. Leading Australian legal writers have noted that there has never been a measured and reasoned response by the public or the government, and the rhetoric surrounding discussion of native title has been described as “highly politicised” . This extreme reaction was, in part, due to the ambiguity surrounding the final judgement in Mabo [No 2]; the High Court did not clearly state what the effect of native title would be on non-Aboriginal land holders, nor did they describe the types of land rights that would extinguish native title. It was in this political and public landscape that the judgements in Wik and Ward were provided in the late 90s/early 00s.
The Wik case is very similar to the Adnyamathanha’s current land claim in that several areas of native territory had been given up for pastoral lease by the Crown. In Wik, the ratio decendi was that the legislation for the pastoral leases did not provide exclusive land rights or possession to the current tenants, and that the Crown was ultimately the owner of these lands. The High Court ruled that native title therefore could co-exist with current pastoral leases in the area without significantly disrupting either parties’ right to the land. However, in the event of a conflict of rights (i.e. if the grazing and watering area of a farmer disrupted the fishing activities of Indigenous people) the native title over that particular area would be extinguished by the pastoral lease. This decision was upheld in Ward, where Kirby J stated that, “given that substantial and complex amendments to the NTA were enacted by the federal parliament upon the basis that Wik correctly stated the law,” the holding in Wik should not be revisited. However, Wilson v Anderson [2002] HCA 29 (“Wilson”) (a contemporaneous case to Ward) dismissed the findings in Wik. Callinan J noted that there was a lack of unanimous finding in Wik about the factors needed for non-exclusive possession of land rights and subsequently Wik should, “only be binding if the provisions of the Western
Australian legislation were indistinguishable from those considered in that case.” This view was supported by the majority of the bench, even though they took care to mention that Wik should not necessarily be altogether dismissed due to its codification in the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth). No further cases have explored the varied decisions in Wik, Ward and Wilson, creating ambiguity over whether or not pastoral leases fully or partially extinguish native title. In the instance of the Adnyamathanha’s claim, the tests in Mabo [No 2] and Wik should be applied. As mentioned above, the Adnyamathanha peoples must prove that their traditional customs and laws have been maintained in the Flinders Ranges; if this test is failed, it would be unlikely that they could succeed in a native title claim despite their history. Assuming that this can be proven, they must also prove that no other land rights have extinguished their right to native title in the area. This creates an element of conflict when considering pastoral leases, such as in the instance of Goldberg and Pollini. To determine whether or not these two leases instil exclusive possession of land rights to the families, the relevant sections in the Land Act 1888 (SA) must be considered, as well as the terms of the leases. The Goldberg lease explicitly states that it is a pastoral lease and, even though the construction of housing on the land is permitted, this is for pastoral purposes only. Although the Pollini lease is not clearly stated as being for pastoral use, no other activity is authorised on the land. The wording of these leases seems to support the claim that they are pastoral in nature. Section 40(1) states that, “…the Minister may, by notification, declare any Crown land open for pastoral lease, and withdraw any land from being open for pastoral lease.” This appears to support a claim that these pastoral leases are non-exclusive, as it creates the ability for the Crown to dissolve the lease at any time subject to any conditions. If the Minister were unwilling to give control of the land back to the Crown in order for a full native title claim, the wording of this section also supports co-existence of land rights between the pastoralists and the native title claimants. The land rights of the Goldberg and Pollini families in this case bear strong resemblance to the pastoral leases in Wik, further supporting a judgement that their leases do not fully extinguish native title. However, the court may decide to take Wilson as the precedent in this case and find that the leases fully extinguish native title in the affected areas – in that case, the Adnyamathanha’s full claim would not be upheld, but it would be possible to have a partial claim over the areas of the Flinders Ranges not affected by Crown pastoral leases. Question 2 To determine if native title has greater, equal, or lesser land rights than pastoral leases, the relevant case and statute law must be taken into account. The Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) provides a number of set rights and, by omission, the inadequacies of native title. Among these is the right to protect sites, access, hunt, camp, hold ceremony, or live on the land, and the right to consultation on the management or development of the land. The Act does not grant ownership or possession of the land, the power to extinguish other land rights, or the right to stop developments on the land. The benefits of a pastoral lease is that the capital required upfront is minor, there is opportunity to end the contract and rent another, larger asset if the company grows, and the Crown offers protection against infringement on land rights by other entities. However, pastoral leasing does not provide ownership of the property, and lease terms are usually fixed and long-term. In the case of the pastoral leases in the Land Act 1888 (SA), these leases are of a term “no longer than 30 years”. Under Wik and Ward, pastoral leases do not fully extinguish native title, as the lease is viewed as a non-exclusive right for the land holder; Wade disputes this, and may provide precedent for future case law support of pastoral lease property rights. That said, the current legal precedent is that Wik is correct, as it is supported by statute law and has been codified in amendments of existing native title legislation. However, even though pastoral leases do not fully finish native title claims, this does not automatically mean they have lesser land rights than native title; indeed, the decision in Wik that native title would be extinguished in the event of an explicit conflict between it and a pastoral lease indicates that pastoral leases are viewed legally as having greater rights over lands than native title. The cultural element of native title is a factor in pursuing a claim. Although neither native title nor pastoral lease provides possession of the land, the enjoyment of Crown protection versus the cultural significance of having traditional land rights honoured is an important consideration. Native title can be viewed as providing fewer rights than pastoral leases (due to pastoral leases extinguishing native title in the event of explicit conflict), though the statutory protections and developing case law surrounding native title may be sufficient to support a claim that, if not now, native title may enjoy further protection from the courts and the parliament in future. Pragmatically, a pastoral lease would be best in the short-term for the Adnyamathanha peoples (although they still could not extinguish the other pastoral leases in the Flinders Ranges), a native title claim may be best for the long-term prosperity and continuing respect for their traditions. If the Adnyamathanha people decide to pursue a pastoral lease, it is likely they would have to surrender any claim to native title to the Crown thus denying them any future protections native title may offer (or, alternatively, protecting them from any attempt to discriminate on the basis of race). A native title claim should be recommended above forming a pastoral lease with the Crown, on the basis that the cultural importance and respect for traditions is too important to surrender, and there is potential for future positive developments in Indigenous land rights. The Adnyamathanha people, as long as they could prove traditional ownership and use of the land is ongoing, have a strong case for native title. Though they are unlikely to extinguish the existing pastoral leases in the area, they would be able to enjoy co-existing land rights with the pastoralists. Even though pastoral leases provide greater land rights than native title, they should still pursue a native title claim on the basis of future legislation and case law in the area supporting the development of recognition and protections. It would be unwise for them to surrender their claim to native title to the Crown for a pastoral lease as there is the potential for future change in Indigenous land rights due to the politicised nature of this issue.
Eddie Mabo was a recognised Indigenous Australian who fought for his land, Murray Island. Mabo spent a decade seeking official recognition of his people’s ownership of Murray Island (Kwirk, 2012). He became more of an activist, he campaigned for better access for indigenous peoples to legal and medical services, to house, to social services and to education. The Mabo case was a milestone court case which paved the way for fair land rights for indigenous people. The Merriam people wanted to ensure its protection. Eddie Mabo significantly contributed to the civil and land rights of Indigenous people in Australia due to his argument to protect his land rights. In a speech in 1976, at a conference on the redrawing of the Torres Strait border, Mabo articulated a vision for islander self-determination and for an independent Torres Strait Island (Stephson, 2009).
The two forms of traditional Aboriginal law were ‘sacred’ and ‘secular’ laws. Sacred laws were entrusted to the elders, teaching Aboriginal customs, acceptable behaviour, and adequate use of the land. Secular laws focused on the responsibilities of individuals. There were also ‘secret’ laws and different people...
The Calder Case was the spark that led to the Canadian government recognizing Aboriginals and their rights. Firstly, the aboriginals used the Calder Case to inform the government that they were taking away their rights. The Calder Case was launched after the Attorney General of British Columbia declared “that the Aboriginal Title, other wise known as the Indian Title, of the Plaintiffs to their ancient tribal territory...has never been lawfully extinguished.”1 The statement made by the government claimed that the Aboriginal Title did not exist in the eyes of the law and before the Calder Case, it allowed them to ignore Aboriginal land rights all over the country. In addition, The Calder brought the issues the Aboriginals were facing with land claims to the attention of the Canadian government. “According to Kainai Board of Education The case made it all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada where the court ended up rejecting the native's claims after being split on it's validity. However, the Supreme Court of Canada's recognition required new respect for Aboriginal land claims.”2 The Supreme Court of Canada's recognition of the Calder Case benefited the Aboriginals as the government was...
The need for the law to recognise possessory and equitable interests in land under a system of registration of title is a contested issue in Australia. The term ‘title’ means the extent of ownership over property as recognised by the legal system. For the purpose of this essay, a system of registration of title means the Torrens title system. The protection of possessory and equitable interests in Western Australia will be discussed, with reference to the Torrens title system and real property. It will be argued that there is still a need for the law to recognise equitable interests in land, however, the Torrens framework does remove the need for the law for the law to recognise possessory interests, in particular the doctrine of adverse possession.
Their main vision is to empower the idea of a shared country and encourage opportunities for growth. With the perplexed requirements set out by the Native Title Act, this tribunal has helped claimants by providing legal aid to increase the chances of regaining lost land. For example, the Wik Peoples v Queensland (1996) 187 CLR 1 case was successful in recognising the lost land of the Wik people of Cape York. “They claimed native title over land that had previously been leased by the State Government to farmers for pastoral use” (Woodgate, Black, Biggs & Owens, 2011, p.354). The court then decided by a 4:3 majority that pastoral leases did not necessarily extinguish native title. This means that, in some cases, native title rights will co-exist with the rights of the pastoralists. Therefore, through progression and more native title cases heard, the laws surrounding the Native Title Act will adapt to further assist the Indigenous Australians in reclaiming their land. For instance, the processes surrounding Native Title issues are constantly being refined. As more and more people and political parties become aware of this process, the easier court litigation will become (Dow, 2002)
Our Indian legislation generally rests on the principle, that the aborigines are to be kept in a condition of tutelage and treated as wards or children of the State. …the true interests of the aborigines and of the State alike require...
the test of time as the future of Australia goes on. The laws that replaced the Aboriginal
Reynolds, H. 1999. "New frontiers: Australia." Havemann, P., Ed. Indigenous peoples’ rights in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. New York: Oxford University Press.
Key events in Aboriginal Australian history stem from the time Australia was first discovered in 1788. For instance, when Federation came into existence in 1901, there was a prevailing belief held by non Aboriginal Australians that the Aborigines were a dying race (Nichol, 2005:259) which resulted in the Indigenous people being excluded from the constitution except for two mentions – Section 127 excluded Aborigines from the census and Section 51, part 26, which gave power over Aborigines to the States rather than to the Federal Government. Aboriginal people were officially excluded from the vote, public service, the Armed Forces and pensions. The White Australia mentality/policy Australia as “White” and unfortunately this policy was not abolished until 1972. REFERENCE
The constitution was changed in 1967 with a 90 per cent of population voting yes in the referendum (Griffiths, 2006). Thus changes in the referendum deemed that commonwealth was responsible for Indigenous affairs and for the first time the Indigenous population were to be counted in the census (Attwood & Markus, 2007). Therefore with changes to constitution the federal government could now have greater involvement in Indigenous affairs (Attwood & Markus, 2008). Hence in 1972 when the Whitlam government was elected into power they replaced the assimilation policy with the policy of self-determination which is still in effect today (Chesterman, 2005). The self-determination policy came as a reaction to problematic assimilation policy, which saw the displacement of many Indigenous people. The policies of self-determination argued that government policies should accommodate for the indigenous culture (Kowal, 2008). Additionally the self-determination policy viewed that the Indigenous people should have involvement in decisions that affect their lives (McIntyre & McKeich, 2010) Furthermore, the outcomes of the self-determination policy saw the end to the forcibly removing mixed descent children from their families and communities (Young, 1998). In addition self-determination policies saw for the first time a separate government department to address Indigenous affairs (Neil, 2002). As well as saw the start of community services and government organisations that address specific Indigenous issues, such as Link Up an organisation the assist members of the stolen generation find lost family members (Sullivan, 2011). What’s more self-determination policy saw the start of providing funding by the government to address the high rates of children that had been removed as part of the assimilation policy (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, 1997). However,
Mabo v Queensland (1992) 175 CLR 1 at 32: ‘As among themselves, the European nations parcelled out the territories newly discovered to the sovereigns of the respective discoverers (66), provided the discovery was confirmed by occupation and provided the indigenous inhabitants were not organised in a society that was united permanently for political action. (67) To these territories the European colonial nations applied the doctrines relating to acquisition of territory that was terra nullius. They recognised sovereignty of the respective European nations over the territory of ‘backward peoples’ and, by State practice, permitted the acquisition of sovereignty of such territory by occupation rather than by
The Crown has shown no intention of upholding indigenous land claims. Furthermore, Mackay argues this idea of not giving back the land happened because of early pioneers of European settlements feeling that they had a privilege to call this “indigenous land” that is being battled over theirs. The Settlers had a lustrous illusion of certainty. Now, embedded in Law, giving back the land would cause an extreme amount of uncertainty. The Crown can’t allow this to happen because it These people who strive for certainty, do this because of the social
Son, this land will belong to you when I die.” These are the words Eddie Koiki Mabo’s father once said and it is the beginning of what is to be known as “Mabo v Queensland (No 2), or the Mabo Case. In year 1982, Eddie Koiki Mabo and some fellow plaintiffs from Murray Island, wanted to claim back their rights and ownership of what they claimed was their land. They went up in front of the High Court of Australia and ten years later the parliament passed the Native Title Act 1993. Eddie Koiki Mabo died in 1993, before the High court of Australia legislated the new act. At Eddies funeral, Bryan Keon-Cohen said “…without Eddie the case would probably never have begun” .
In the Northern Territory especially the Indigenous Australians are given separate laws that they alone must follow. Laws exist in the NT that limit Indigenous Australians basic human rights and freedom of expression; although from a white man’s stand point it may seem like a positive move, by restricting the lives of another human the decision is being made that white man knows best and they should do as we do, much the same as the assimilation movement in the 1800’s. Not only do these laws make it easier to target the Indigenous population, it also violates their basic human rights. An example of this is compulsorily weekly health checks for Indigenous children; in theory is a great idea, but with threats such as loss of welfare payment or even removal of children from their parents a great pressure is placed onto these families. It would be completely unacceptable for such a notion to be invoked into a white community; this is but one of the many racially profiled laws that are in place throughout Australia. This inequality in the justice system is felt among the Indigenous population of Australia, constantly feeling wronged and targeted, making it extremely hard to gain the confidence to change their pattern of living. Justice relies on an understanding of one’s everyday life, social justice and the acknowledgement that people live different lives. When Mick Dodson was
Wiliam, S. A. 2014. The Mabo case, Land Rights and Native Title, Changing rights and freedoms: Aboriginal people, History Year 9, NSW | Online Education Home Schooling Skwirk Australia. [online] Available at: http://www.skwirk.com/p-c_s-14_u-120_t-330_c-1136/the-mabo-case/nsw/the-mabo-case/changing-rights-and-freedoms-aboriginal-people/land-rights-and-native-title [Accessed: 28 Feb 2014].