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Essays stories of civil war in el salvador
Essays stories of civil war in el salvador
Conflict in el salvador essay
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Beginning in the late 1970s Liberation Theology, Marxism, and U.S. Cold War policy collided in El Salvador culminating in a civil war that lasted over a decade and ultimately produced democratic political institutions that persist into the 21st century. Despite the prejudices against the church on behalf of government and media organizations in the U.S. and El Salvador, religious actors fought for human rights and the implementation of democratic institutions throughout the period of conflict. The Salvadoran Civil War, which occurred in the context of the Cold War, was one of the bloodiest and longest events in the history of Latin America after the Guatemalan Civil War. The conflict lasted from 1979 to 1992, left approximately 75,000 people dead, and a country in ashes. The conflict started after the fraudulent elections of the Coronel Arturo Armando Molina (1972), who focused his term on repressing the communist political parties that wanted to work for a social reform. This aroused the anger of the popular sectors, which started to organize groups and demonstrations demanding fair election and improvement of social conditions. The government responded to their demands with savage violence, focusing primarily on the oppression of campesinos because they were the ones who supported the revolutionary leftist forces. These actions alienated the Salvadoran population even more and caused many people in the Catholic Church to start denouncing the government’s actions. Thus, as the Civil War started to rise, the church started to radicalize and to and spoke up against the government’s actions. One of its most fervent advocates was Monsignor Oscar Arnulfo Romero, who during his short time as the Archbishop of San Salvador manifested hi... ... middle of paper ... ...t years of the war started after 1980, and ended in 1992 with the Peace Treaty of Chapultepec, Mexico. This treaty did not bring the desired peace and progress to El Salvador. Instead, the fight continued in a way of political opposition without arms. The revolutionary forces became a political party that represents the rights of the workers. The right wing party, which was originally founded by D’aubuisson, stayed in power until the elections of 2009. The popular sectors of El Salvador still face extreme poverty and oppression caused by large companies. The church continues its work with the poor but in a more limited and conservative way. After 30 years of the death of Romero, the Salvadoran Church remembers him as the hero of the oppressed and the voice of the voiceless and cries on the fact that the church was never the same after the death of its major leader.
Before reading this, I, like I am sure so many others, had no idea of the magnitude of injustices that can occur during these conflicts. Also, this was not very long ago, nor far away, and it speaks volumes of the differences in government ideology and politics. El Salvador is an extreme case of how a government will treat its citizens. Massacre at El Mozote truly was an eye-opener and I doubt I will soon forget it.
The war on crime is constantly being fought in El Salvador. El Salvador is one of the
...r had embraced a counterrevolution of economic and political order. The greatest symbolism of the fall of the government under Salvador Allende was the return of repression on the workers at the mill.
Rigoberta Menchu, a Quiche Indian woman native to Guatemala, is a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize for politically reaching out to her country and her people. In her personal testimony tittled “I, Rigoberta Menchu” we can see how she blossomed into the Nobel Prize winner she is today. Following a great deal in her father’s footsteps, Rigoberta’s mobilization work, both within and outside of Guatemala, led to negotiations between the guerillas and the government and reduced the army power within Guatemala. Her work has helped bring light to the strength of individuals and citizen organization in advocacy and policy dialogue on the world scale. In a brief summary of the book I will explore why Rigoberta Menchu is important to Guatemalan development, what she did, and how she helped her people overcome the obstacles thrown their way.
This essay will study the Central Intelligence Agency’s intervention in Guatemala, and how they assisted Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas in the coup d’état against Jacobo Arbenz. It will describe the reasons of the intervention, the United States’ interest in Guatemala, and how it affected Guatemalans. Such events help explain much about the role that the United States has in their own migration. The paper argues that the United States’ political interest in Guatemala played a fundamental role in the migration of Guatemalans to its borders. As a result of this intervention, Guatemala suffered one of its worse political periods in their history. Guatemala experienced a period of political instability that led the country into social chaos, where many Guatemalans opted to migrate to the United States.
The Contra War consisted of many parties, although primarily included the Contras, the Sandinistas or FSLN, and the United States Government. The Nicaraguan Revolution spanned from 1970 to 1990, while the Contra War in which the Contras rebelled against the Sandinistas occurred from 1979 to 1990. The Contras rebelled with the support of the United States against the Sandinistas who recently obtained power in Nicaragua. The current state of tension created by the Cold War, having to do with Communist and Democratic disputes, set the stage for the conflict. The Contra War was a highly controversial period of conflict in Nicaraguan history that comprised of many clashing perspectives. The major parties involved in the war included the United States Government that supported the rebelling Contras and strongly opposed the Sandinista authority in Nicaragua. Along with the Contras or counterrevolutionaries that were disaffected by the Sandinista policies and wanted freedom from the Sandinista Government. A final major party involved in the conflict was Sandinistas, who detested the U.S. backed Contras and were fighting for peace in Nicaragua, after a long period of turmoil and insurrection.
From the time of its colonization at the hands of Spanish Conquistadors in the early 1500’s, Guatemala has suffered under the oppression of dictator after dictator. These dictators, who ruled only with the support of the military and only in their own interests, created a form of serfdom; by 1944, two percent of the people owned 70 percent of the usable land. The Allies’ victory in WWII marked democracy’s triumph over dictatorship, and the consequences shook Latin America. Questioning why they should support the struggle for democracy in Europe and yet suffer the constraints of dictatorship at home, many Latin Americans rallied to democratize their own political structures. A group of prominent middle–class Brazilians opposed to the continuation of the Vargas dictatorship mused publicly, “If we fight against fascism at the side of the United Nations so that liberty and democracy may be restored to all people, certainly we are not asking too much in demanding for ourselves such rights and guarantees.”
This does not, however, dismiss the reality of torture in Chile nor soften Cavanaugh’s criticisms of “distinction of planes” ecclesiologies. Church paradigms such as Maritain’s New Christendom have led Catholics in Chile and elsewhere to buy into a “devil’s bargain” wherein the Church confines itself to the social, or spiritual, realm and allows the state to dominate in the political, or temporal, realm (196). Such ecclesiologies simultaneously facilitate the Church’s disappearance as a societal body and strip the Church of any tangible ability to counteract the actions of oppressive governments. The Chilean church’s ecclesiology had real, disastrous consequences for Chileans under the Pinochet regime – consequences that perhaps could have been mitigated under a different ecclesiological
The world in the 1940’s was not the ideal place for anyone to be living. Hitler’s Nazi movements being one of the catalysts for World War II, the citizens of the world were flung into an era of disarray and discontentment in the early 40’s. After Japan’s surprise attack on the U.S., forcing the Americans into war, it soon became a whole differnet ball game. In 1941, the United Nations was formed comprised of the inter-allies and its goal to "work together, with other free peoples, both in war and in peace". Now, all corners of the world were being affected. The history of Central American countries particularly, Nicaragua will be examined in this reading. This reading will focus specifically on the history of Nicaragua from 1945 to the early 2000’s. A critical analysis of how Nicaragua and its leaders handled certain situations and whether or not the situations were handled well. In addition, only Nicaragua’s more significant events will be regarded and analyzed chronologically and collectively, while trying to avoid going in depth as to why certain events occurred as that is for another time. This paper will represent the stance that Nicaragua’s leaders handled certain situations in a manner that was not very beneficial to Nicaragua and its citizens but beneficial to those in power up until the Sandistina government took over and began to make decisions beneficial to Nicaraguans however, hindered by opposing powers.
War and violence in Central America is a result of governmental injustice due to the United States’ foreign policies. The United States supported El Salvador with weapons and money throughout the civil war. As a result of enforcing these policies, El Salvador’s poverty, population and crime rate increased. The books “…After…” by Carolina Rivera Escamilla and “The Tattooed Soldier” by Hector Tobar give us a glimpse of the issues Central Americans faced.
Following technological advances, numerous individuals receive their news digitally. However, a recent trend in the media has portrayed immigration negatively. Now in media, including films, immigrants are viewed as people that “spread infectious diseases and terrorists that may gain entry to western nations disguised as refugees” (Esses, Medianu, and Lawson 518). As reported by Vargas and DePyssler, media exemplifies immigrants into two representations: group and individual. Group representation is more commonly found and shown with “a group of Mexican immigrants who appear as outsiders unable or unwilling to assimilate, as welfare cheats draining society, or as people who do not pay taxes wresting jobs from citizens who do” (Vargas and
Pinochet planned a military coup against the former president Salvador Allende. “In another corner of the world, exactly twenty-eight years earlier, a military coup led by Augusto Pinochet on September 11,1973” (Burbach 1). The coup was successful and Pinochet gained control of Chile. As a result, Pinochet made sure that all opposition was removed. Pinochet believed that his main opposition was Marxism and that any possible method needed to be taken to get rid of all marxists. “Communism is a driving force in the world. The objective of communism is to dominate the world. It has infected the world, even, if my guest will permit me, your own country, your own Senate. It is a problem in Mexico and in this hemisphere. We must fight against communism” (Memorandum). Pinochet is probably one of the most outspoken people on communism. He is not afraid to say he hates communism. And everything he does is anti-communist. Pinochet is so fixed on getting rid of communism that during his dictatorship his main focus was getting rid of communism. At first the only reason his relationship with America was strong was because of their shared belief of getting rid of communism. Pinochet’s strong belief in the evil of communism led him to terrorize the citizens of Chile to get rid of all communists in Chile.
(1936–39), military revolt against the Republican government of Spain, supported by conservative elements within the country. When an initial military coup failed to win control of the entire country, a bloody civil war ensued, fought with great ferocity on both sides. The Nationalists, as the rebels were called, received aid from fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The Republicans received aid from the Soviet Union, as well as from International Brigades, composed of volunteers from Europe and the United States.
The Spanish Civil War began in July of 1936, and ended in April 1939. Spain of the early 1930s was a deeply divided nation. There were two main factions in Spain- those of the left, and those on the right. Contrary to the political system in the United States, on the left were the Republicans (also called Loyalists) and on the right were the Nationalists. The Republicans were a conglomerate of many groups that banded together over the main thing they had in common—their opposition to fascism. This group consisted of Communists, monarchists, socialists, anarchists, and many of the common people (such as peasants and factory workers). On the Right, the Nationalists comprised of the middle to upper classes, Catholic Church supporters, and of course, those who fully supported a fascist regime .
Second, France and its response to the Spanish Civil War had a noninterventionist policy by the French government. To start, Jose M. Sanchez’s main argument in the international Catholic response to the war was that, “No event of political or social significance since the beginning of the nineteenth century engendered such heated religious debate among Christians worldwide as did the Spanish Civil War.” The war signified a Catholic united condemnation for or against the war but the politics involved with the war led to an ideological push to support one side over the other. As Sanchez argued, “In France, a majority Catholic nation with a strong tradition of anticlericalism and a powerful intellectual community, there was a loud and prestigious