Politicians resolved that “US foreign policy could be made on the assumption that the unbalanced system could never be effectively addressed by Central Americans. The United States then continued to integrate with Latin America into its political, economic and military orbit.
While the findings suggested the challenges and limits relying on an authoritarian government, American dollars steadily increased their presence in El Salvador, increasing 18 million in investment in 1950 to 31 million in 1959, without much attention to the regime’s governmental style. (___) In El Salvador, the American task was easy, the United States, to encourage stability, defined as limiting insurrections, simply had to support those in power, the military, the landed oligarchy and hence dictators. Nixon, while serving as vice president during the 1955, himself claiming that the question in the Latin American region was, “how far is dictatorship necessary” declared, “we must deal with [Latin American] governments as they are and work over a period of time towards more democracy.” (Ambrose)
But the idea that the United States was involved in Latin America to encourage the creation of democratic institutions that could effectively enact reform and enable public discourse seemed far-fetched given how President Eisenhower and Nixon dealt the coup that followed in 1960. Before President Lemus caused a full-scale revolution with the massacre of the student protesters that was waiting to happen, moderate military officers organized a coup and overthrew the president. While the officers promised to implement the reforms promised by liberal generals in the late 1940s and to hold elections in 1962, Eisenhower “found the promises insufficient,” and “withheld ...
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As unemployment and inflation strengthened poverty throughout the country, especially in the rural outskirts, in the city a new political movement, threatening the long established oligarch-military complex began to develop. When the radio began to announce that opposition’s, PDC candidate, Duarte was sweeping up votes, the radio was cut and when the transmission, the army government’s choice, Molina, was ahead. The blatant fraud encouraged liberal junior and jealous senior officers to stage a coup, attempting to place Duarte in power. After receiving help from forces in the Central American Defense Council (CONDECA), the which was formed in 1963 under the influence the United States to protect Cental America against “possible communist aggression,” and US military advisors, the senior military command put down the coup attempt. (___) The United States
Models for post-revolutionary Latin American government are born of the complex economic and social realities of 17th and 18th century Europe. From the momentum of the Enlightenment came major political rebellions of the elite class against entrenched national monarchies and systems of power. Within this time period of elitist revolt and intensive political restructuring, the fundamental basis for both liberal and conservative ideology was driven deep into Latin American soil. However, as neither ideology sought to fulfill or even recognize the needs or rights of mestizo people under government rule, the initial liberal doctrine pervading Latin American nations perpetuated racism and economic exploitation, and paved the way for all-consuming, cultural wars in the centuries to come.
Time and rules have been transforming countries in many ways; especially, in the 1850’s and the 1920’s, when liberals were firmly in control across Latin American region. Liberalism can be defined as a dominant political philosophy in which almost every Latin American country was affected. A sense of progress over tradition, reason over faith, and free market over government control. Although each country was different, all liberals pursued similar policies. They emphasize on legal equality for all citizens, progress, free trade, anti-slavery, and removing power from church. Liberals declared promising changes for Latin American’s future. But Latin America had a stronger hierarchical society with more labor systems, nothing compare to the United States societies. Liberals weren’t good for Latin America. What I mean by “good” is the creation of a turning point or some type of contribution towards success. I define “good” as beneficial or helpful. The Latin American economy was stagnant between 1820 and 1850 because of independence wars, transportation and the recreation of facilities. I describe this era as, “the era when Latin America when off road”.
Salvador Allende promised to redistribute Chile's income (only two percent of the population received forty-six percent of the income), nationalize major industries (especially the copper companies), and to expand relations with socialist and communist countries. Allende's presidency presented a threat to the United States; a man with such aspirations would have to stray from United States policies and the policies of all other countries. Allende would neither respect nor consider the work the United States had done for them in the past. The United States would no longer be able to act as a parasite, sucking the money out of Chile. The U.S. decided it must stop this man from rising to power as soon as possible.
In 1979 Jean Kirkpatrick published Dictatorships And Double Standards, an article dealing with U.S. foreign policy under Jimmy Carter, including policy toward the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. Kirkpatrick argues that Carter “abhors only right wing autocrats” ((43) and that he ignores the primary goal in foreign policy which should be U.S. interests. In her world view, the end justifies the means and stability should be sought over any sentimental notions about democracy for, or sovereignty of foreign nations. She argues that Latin America is not fertile for democracy and that, in the long run, supporting right wing dictatorships will lead to a better chance at this goal, to be achieved at a later date. In her Machiavellian prescription for Nicaragua she downplays the horrors of Somoza and misrepresents the character of the Sandinista revolution. The violence that occurred under the Reagan administration in the eighties can be seen as the realization of the Kirkpatrick school of thought and the results were extremely negative for Nicaragua.
The “Panama Deception,” directed by Barbara Trent of the Empowerment Project and narrated by actress Elizabeth Montgomery, observes a distinct failure to implement 20th-century democracy in Latin America in the late '80s and early '90s. More specifically, the film documents the U.S. invasion of Panama under "Operation Just Cause” during this period, showing how the cause was anything but just. Rather, the film shows how the Operation intended to impose a biased renegotiation of the aforementioned treaties.
This essay will study the Central Intelligence Agency’s intervention in Guatemala, and how they assisted Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas in the coup d’état against Jacobo Arbenz. It will describe the reasons of the intervention, the United States’ interest in Guatemala, and how it affected Guatemalans. Such events help explain much about the role that the United States has in their own migration. The paper argues that the United States’ political interest in Guatemala played a fundamental role in the migration of Guatemalans to its borders. As a result of this intervention, Guatemala suffered one of its worse political periods in their history. Guatemala experienced a period of political instability that led the country into social chaos, where many Guatemalans opted to migrate to the United States.
5. The United States and Latin America had a very turbulent history with each other. After
The United States did not create the political and economic instability that led to the 1973 Chilean coup d’état, instead, the U.S. covertly exacerbated long-standing problems in Allende’s government until the Chilean military felt it was necessary to step in and take control of the country. Allende’s failed economic policies and attacks on democratic institutions created resentment amongst the military and Chilean society, which were exploited by the CIA and the United States government for their own agenda. The aim of this discourse is to present the most pressing issues during Allende’s time as president in order to explore the idea that Chile’s domestic economic and political instability were the main reason for the coup, and international influence facilitated the process.
Peeler, John A. Latin American Democracies. Chapel Hill, NC and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1985. Print.
The historian Ronn Pineo wrote “Beginning in the 1980s nearly all of Latin America began to take part in a great experiment, the adoption of capitalist free market economic policies.” (1) This great experiment began with the promotion of democracy and free market that promised a better future for Latin America. Neoliberalism, the economic ideology that promotes free-market capitalism, laid the foundation for many of the US military interventions and economic policies that caused a dramatic transformation of Latin America. This promise of a “democratic” government came from a policy initiative labeled as polyarchy. Polyarchy is “ a system in which a small group governs and mass participation in decision making is limited to choosing leaders in elections that are carefully managed by competing elites” (Lecture: Polyarchy and Resistance). It, however, was a sales pitch to continue Latin America’s subordinate position in to the global market. As a result, much of Latin America, by the late 1980 through the early 1990s, transitioned into this form of “democracy”. Consequently, Latin America suffered and still suffers today from underdevelopment, high levels of socioeconomic inequality, and immigration. Globalization of capital, off-shore production, and new technologies have created structural barriers and have
LaFeber, Walter. Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America. New York: W.W. Norton, 1984. Print.
Cuba, an island country in the Caribbean, has struggled with maintaining democratic leadership since the Spanish American War. After the war, the United States declared that its presence in the country was temporary and sovereignty would be handed to the Cubans through the establishment of a Constituent Assembly. In his work “Dictatorship, Democracy, and Development”, Mancur Olson (1993) explains that democracies usually prevail in combat with fascist or communist countries. The United States, being a democratic stronghold that held control of the government in Cuba, initially encouraged the transition from an autocratic to democratic government in the country. In contrast to other newly established democracies at the time, such as the democratization of Germany at the end of World War II, the new democratic structure in Cuba quickly collapsed. The Cuban Constituent Assembly that was established was a catalyst for the dissolution of any competing parties. The strict voting regulations for the election of the 31 delegates for the Constituent Assembly produced an overwhelming majority for the republican form of government, creating a gover...
Seligson M. A., 2008, Challenges to Democracy in Latin America and the Caribbean: Evidence from the Americas Barometer 2007-2007, USAID
The Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo (PGT) was a leftist workers party with communist members. However, it was not a strong party and "Arbenz did not appoint any Communists to the Cabinet" (SH, 21). Jose Manuel Fortuny, the leader of the PGT, did have a friendship with Arbenz and worked with Arbenz in the creation of Decree 900, which became suspicious to the United States. Communism in Latin America, however, was vastly different than Communism in the Soviet Union. Land reform was necessary to create a democracy in Guatemala, and although ideologically different, the two men recognized this. "The proposal aimed not to create Stalinist collectives..." but aimed to remove tyranny and allow the creation of capitalism to move forward in Guatemala (SH, 22). The lack of differentiating the PGT from the Soviet Union lead to anti-communism obsession without any real justification of communist threat. As PBSUCCESS ended, no evidence was found connecting Guatemala and the Soviet Union (SH, 108). The atmosphere of anti-communist obsession in the US was a motivator for the new Agency’s desire to succeed, but the lack of connection between Latin America revealed the CIA was quick to implement PBSUCCESS without much thought of the political situation in
Booth, J. and Richard, P. (1998). Civil society, political capital, and democratization in Central America. The Journal of Politics, 60(03), pp.780--800.