The Quasi-Legislative Effect of the Supreme Court of Canada Daniele Zerbo 300119020 25 March 2014 INTRODUCTION The Charter of Rights and Freedoms, 1982 symbolized a new era for Canada. Championed by Pierre Elliot Trudeau, the charter entrenched the fundamental rights and freedoms of Canadian society, and allowed for those rights to be enforced by any individual should they be infringed upon. The enactment of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms illustrates yet another shift from traditional Westminster style of governance, and created a new political atmosphere. The notion of Parliamentary supremacy has shifted to accommodate constitutional supremacy, where two institutions must work together to balance the will of the elected and the language of the charter. Constitutions, the most basic of political institutions, have the power to affect politics, by defining the rules of the political sphere. Though Parliament remains supreme, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms has empowered the judiciary with the ability to interpret it broadly and settle major questions of public policy, something the Bill of Rights, 1960 could never really achieve. The charter has in effect, given the judiciary a quasi-legislative authority. The Quasi-Legislator This paper will argue that the Supreme Court of Canada has adopted a quasi-legislative approach in its decision making as a result of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, 1982. Quasi-legislative is defined as having a partly legislative character by possession of the right to make rules and regulations, having the force of law (Merriam-Webster). In this paper, it is useful to define quasi-legislative as the court’s ability to influence policy, be it innocent or motivated, through charter enf... ... middle of paper ... ... of the judiciary as being one separate from government, in a non-political capacity whose purpose is not to question the acts of government, but rather to be the mediator when dispute arise (McLachlin, 2009). Clearly, McLachlin captures the essence of what the judiciary is. The Supreme Court of Canada is one of the most visible and trusted political institutions, which has shaped the country’s political arena. In practice, the Supreme Court of Canada does have a quasi-legislative effect on public policy. Conclusion This paper has argued that the Supreme Court of Canada has adopted a quasi-legislative role in their decision making as a result of the Charter or Rights and Freedoms, 1982.The broad and liberal interpretation of charter language, for better or worse has and will continue to influence Canadian politics and the formulation and adoption of public policy.
The Charter of Rights and Freedoms is an important document that allows us to live our lives without arbitrary governmental control, although there may be certain times when rights should be limited. The R. v Oakes case is a perfect example of this situation coming into play. David Edwin Oakes was caught with an unlawful possession of hash oil and was automatically convicted of trafficking, under section 8 of the Narcotic Control Act. By looking at the Charter, it was clear that section 8 of the NCA violated his right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty, guaranteed in section 11.d. With that in mind, the respondent brought in a motion that challenged section 8 of the Narcotic Control Act. Since the Supreme Court and the Crown were confident that the suspect was trafficking narcotics, they created a four criteria ruling, in order to reasonably limit the rights of the respondent. This is permissible under section 1 of the Charter, which states that “The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees the rights and freedoms…only to such reasonable limits prescribed by law.”2 The respondent’s case passed the first criterion which stated that “the reasoning for limiting the Charter must be proven important enough to override a constitutionally protected right.” The case did not pass the second criterion which stated that “there must be an appropriate connection between the limitation of rights and the objective of the legislation.”2 Therefore, the appeal was dismissed and the respondent was released. After reviewing the case it was clear that even though the suspect did not have his rights limited against him, limiting rights should be used more often in severe cases.
The Canadian government only protects 18 out of 30 rights in the Universal Declaration and other important rights are ignored. For example, in article 26 of the Universal Declaration, it states that everyone has the right to education. This law is not included in the Charter but I think it is very im...
...e observed now as easily as it might be in it's final form. The prevailing notion is that through judicial interpretation or legislative act it should be more onerous to affect legislative override, not to the level of constitutional amendment of the rights in question, but perhaps a moderated super majority . The dialogue created by judicial-legislative interplay is truly indispensable to the democratic process, however the possibility exists that the dialogue could be circumvented and replaced with a legislative diatribe. As equally unappealing is the judicial monologue, the disdain for which increasingly dominates legislative analysis in the United States. The override provision effectively eliminates such concerns in Canada. The inevitable democratization of our override provision will in time perfect the dichotomy so vital to legislative-judicial conciliation.
A more sudden, but perhaps equally profound event is the adoption in 1982 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Whereas before the adoption of the Charter Canadian legislatures were supreme, having power without limit within their jurisdictions, they now have debatable supremacy within altered jurisdictions. Moreover, although no powers or rights have been explicitly ‘reserved’ to the people, supporters of the charter nevertheless appear to give Canadians hope that the possibility may exist.
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was implemented 1982 has been essential in providing justice for all Canadian citizens. Countless amounts of cases have been decided to create the Charter that is well known in today’s society. Sharon Turpin and Latif Siddiqui were accused of first degree murder and according to the law, the trial was supposed to be tried by a judge and jury. The accused demanded a trial by judge alone because they believed that they were entitled to such a right. The R. v. Turpin case was a significant case that was tough to decide upon because there were many violations of different statutes such as the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and the Criminal
Blair, Annice. Law in Action: Understanding Canadian Law. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Education Canada, 2003. Print.
Cameron, Jamie. "Justice in Her Own Right: Bertha Wilson and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms." The Law Society of Upper Canada. N.p., 2008. Web. 29 Dec. 2013. .
The next important principle of the Canadian Constitution is the judicial review. The judicial review is the power of the executive branch of government (Dyck 12). Essentially, the judicial review states that any law that the government makes, can be struck down by the Supreme Court if it violates the Canadian Constitution (Dyck 401). This is a prime example how the judicial review protects the rights of
In America we have a complex system of courts that many do not understand, this is the same in many other countries too. There are many different types of court system you could have. There is Common Law, Civil Law, a mix of both and Islamic Law. America has a type of law called Common Law, which originally comes from England. This type just means that there are decisions by judges and courts. Another country with this law is Canada. When you look at the systems you can see how similar they are to each other. Both of these fine nations have judges and they have courts, where some are higher up than others. There is the Canadian Supreme Court, Tax Court, Court of Appeals, Providential Courts (the equivalent of district courts), and Court Martial Courts (which is our military courts).
Judicial Tyranny was a very thought-provoking read and even though the reader may agree with Mr. Sutherland’s view point, a rational thinker must admit that he and his colleagues do the very same thing they accuse the federal courts are doing - forcing their beliefs and opinions (court rulings) on the reader. It can be reasonably argued that some of the statements written were just as radical and antagonistic as it accused the judiciary of being. Even though I may agree with most of what was written, as an unbiased reader I have to admit that the work was presumptive and does not fully address other important issues concerning the federal court system.
Different states have various ways of ruling and governing their political community. The way states rule reflects upon the political community and the extent of positive and negative liberty available to their citizens. Canada has come a long way to establishing successful rights and freedoms and is able to do so due to the consideration of the people. These rights and freedoms are illustrated through negative and positive liberties; negative liberty is “freedom from” and positive liberty is “freedom to”. A democracy, which is the style of governing utilized by Canada is one that is governed more so by the citizens and a state is a political community that is self-governing which establishes rules that are binding. The ‘Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms’ allow Canada’s population to live a free and secure life. This is demonstrated through the fundamental freedoms, which permit the people to freely express themselves and believe in what they choose. Canadians also have democratic rights authorizing society to have the right to democracy and vote for the members of the House of Commons, considering the fact that the House of Commons establishes the laws which ultimately influence their lifestyle. The tools that are used to function a democratic society such as this are, mobility, legal and equality rights, which are what give Canadians the luxury of living life secured with freedom and unity. Furthermore it is safe to argue that ‘The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms’, proves the exceeding level of efficiency that is provided for Canadians in comparison to other countries where major freedoms are stripped from their political community.
The federal and provincial government’s bona fide ability to implement bounds on the rights and freedoms enjoyed by the Citizens of this great nation is an absolute necessity. The confines permitted by the ‘reasonable limits clause,’ ‘notwithstanding clause’ and the need for increased powers in extreme circumstances demonstrate society’s inherent need for confines to prevent disorder and mayhem. If the governments were unable to invoke restraints, chaos and anarchy would prevail. However, the need to ensure that the limitations do not unreasonably infringe of rights and freedoms of Canadians is equally important. If governments began to continuously and unreasonably infringe the rights and freedoms, individual Canadians would become a communist state such as North Korea.
The Canadian Criminal Justice System is, for the most part, reflective of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and various Supreme Court of Canada case-law. Everyone who finds themselves on the opposing end of the Criminal Justice System is entitled to certain protections every step of the way, beginning even before the arrest; laws protect us from unreasonable investigative techniques, guarantee certain rights at point of arrest, and provide us with the right to counsel. The bail court departs from the ‘beyond reasonable doubt’ standard in that the crown only needs to prove on a balance of probabilities (Kellough, 1996, p. 175) in order to take away a person’s freedom. It is for this reason I decided to limit the scope of my observations to the bail court. What I found is a systemic evidence of a two-tier justice system. In this essay, I will outline the roles of the 'regular players' of the bail court and demonstrate how the current bail process essentially transforms the Canadian Criminal Justice System into a two-tier system where the affluent and powerful are able to receive preferential treatment over the poor.
On one hand, political constitutionalists argue that parliamentary sovereignty is the underlying principle in the British constitution as power and law making are bo...
39). In reflecting upon the historical prevalence of men within the facets of law and government, it becomes clear that until quite recently, women were notably absent or underrepresented in the creation, implementation, and evolution of the legal framework which is used to govern Canada. In deconstructing the relationship between society and law, it then becomes necessary to consider the impact of this. A feminist framework in general provides unique insight into the experiences of women, a view which Commack (2014) notes is typically neglected in more traditional theoretical frameworks used to understand the affiliations between law and society (p. 33). Commack (2014) goes on to highlight why this is problematic, explaining that in the perception of radical feminists, “what passes for objectivity, neutrality, and justice [in the Official Version of the Law] is really a male-centered or masculinist way of adjudicating”