Introduction
The Chinese media landscape is complicated and contradictory, playing a controversial role between the Party Line and the Bottom Line (Zhao, 1998). It does affect on all types of media, Internet included, despite the fact that the government applies strict rules of control and censorship, which is against the nature itself of Internet.
In order to deliver a better idea of how media work in China today, is necessary to remind where the People's Republic of China is from and what is the approach to media generally, that helps to understand the contrast based on the different ideologies behind Internet and Chinese government relating to media.
When the People's Republic was founded in 1949, the telecommunications system and facilities were seriously damaged, what remained was outdated and rudimentary until early 1950s when Communications in China were rapidly established. They mainly used wire for telegraph or telephone, then satellite communication were soon introduced and become common; by 1987 China possessed many different communication system able to connect.
With the introduction of economic reforms in 1978, China has become one of the world's fastest-growing major economies and as of 2013, it is the world's second-largest economy. Since 1979 the Chinese media had a general revitalization, by 1987 the government possessed many different communication system able to connect, with initial efforts to protect and safeguard the freedom of press. That idea has been dropped when the government faced the pro-democracy demonstrators at Tiananmen Square in 1989.
While Communist Party “guidance” of the news remained tight after 1989 with domestic censorship in force across all regions and all types of media, media developed...
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China joined the global Internet age in 1994, and has been commercially available since 1995. Since then, Chinese Internet usage has seen explosive growth, doubling every six months, and the number of online users is only second to the US. The Internet age ushered in the information age with a new world of freedom and expression for the Chinese. However, soon after its inception, the Chinese government has reined in the free wheeling Internet users and has imposed new laws and restrictions to access and content on the Internet.
Both Goldman and Walder make excellent points both backed by Pan’s book. The argument that Walder makes is very convincing: that government and all of its censorship is here to stay. The reaction to the reformers are usual overblown and extreme. They are also highly immoral and go against human rights. However, Goldman’s argument is much stronger. Since the rise of a semi-capitalistic society under the market reforms of the 1980’s and the Tiananmen Square protests the voices of political dissent and change have been on the rise, and from the examples provided, especially after the year 2000. The party has effectively been losing power thanks in large part to the internet and the rise of the lawyers like Pu. Therefore, the political status quo in China is changing, no matter what the party says.
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Chinese culture has played a very important role in the history of the United States; however, many Chinese Americans struggled with their identities, and other various struggles. To start, many Chinese Americans struggled with feeling inferior to the white race: “Those Chinese Americans who were exposed to a segregated but American education very quickly became aware of their inferior status. Many became ashamed of their appearance, status, and culture. Self-hatred and the need to be accepted by white society became their primary obsession,” (“Chinese Americans”, Para. 35). This quote shows how Americans were cruel and discriminatory over Chinese Americans. The way that the Chinese culture was looked upon was very unthinkable. Another struggle Chinese Americans faced in the assimilation into American culture is having to “separate” themselves from the white
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...u- nist states, China remains unified under a CCP-Ied state that is ever vigilant not only againstwestern attempts at "xihua" China- thatis, imposingwesternliber- al-democratic institutions on China, but also "fenhua" China - that is, disinte- gratingitbysupportingTaiwaneseindependenceoranyforms ofethnonationalist independent movement. The reform period starting in 1978 marked a dramatic rearticulation of class and nation in the political economy of Chinese development, and along with it, a radical reorientation of the class nature of Chinese nationalism and the devel- opment of a depoliticized neoliberal cultural politics of class and nation. Information and communication technologies (ICTs) and commercialized media - with TV at its core, but soon followed by computers and cell phones - have played instrumental roles in these processes (Zhao and Schiller 2001, Hong
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... small media reforms (like public journalism) will be enough to reduce the commercial and corporate imperatives driving our existing media systems (Hackett and Zhao, 1998, p. 235). Instead, a fundamental reform of the entire system is needed, together with a wider institutional reform of the very structures the media systems work within, our democracies. This will be a difficult task, due to powerful vested interests benefiting from the status quo, including media, political and economic elites. Reforms will need to be driven by campaigns mobilising public support across the political spectrum, to enable the citizens of the world to have a media system that works to strengthen democratic principles as opposed to undermining them. This task is challenging, but it will become easier once people begin to understand the media’s role in policymaking within our democracies.
It is the year 2014. The growth and advancement in technology and innovation lead to the birth of new channels of media. Back tracking to the 1950s, the primary source of media would have been printed such as newspapers, articles and magazines. The introduction of the televisions and cinemas in the late 20th century resulted in the production of masterpieces such as movies and dramas alike. Currently, the internet is the unified source for all kinds of media which gives allows us to freely express and exhibit our perspectives and ideas. On the other hand, this revolution in the media industry saw the production of certain media that are unsuitable for certain audiences. Thus, government bodies such as Malaysia’s Multimedia and Communication Commission are set up to selectively evaluate and censor contents to ensure that media would not be harmful to the public. Therefore, this essay strives to prove that censorship is sometimes justified.
Interests: China’s leaders desire to improve their nation’s economy while preserving political stability. They want to censor political discussions to prevent “westernization” of China,