Immigrant youth, as of 2011, made up one-fourth of the United States’s 75 million children, and are expected to account for one-third of approximately 100 million children by 2050 (Passel, 2011). Central American immigrants make up a growing portion of that group, with around 3.2 million people living in the U.S. as of 2013 (Zong & Batalova, 2015). This growth in immigrant youth also speaks to trends for undocumented youth living in America, with approximately one million undocumented children younger than 18 living in the U.S., and the number of Central American youths in particular arriving in the country multiplying. In 2015, as many as 220,000 unaccompanied children from Central America are expected to arrive in the U.S. (Restrepo …show more content…
There is “a positive association between acculturative stress and a variety of internalizing behaviors, including low self-esteem, symptoms of depression, and greater suicidal alienation” (Potochnik & Perreira, 2011). However, acculturation can also come with positive effects, as teenagers are better able to interact with larger American culture and succeed in educational and social systems. Those individual effects are complicated by the acculturation gap that can sometimes form between adolescents and their parents, and their levels of communication. According to Schwartz’s study on acculturation, gaps between “American practices and ethnic identity, and perceptions of a negative context of reception, predicted compromised parent‐adolescent communication,” which in turn promoted increased unsafe sexual activity and drug and alcohol use (Schwartz, et al, 2012). These factors leave children at various levels of acculturation in danger of not connecting with either peers or family, the stress of which can leave them “at an increased risk of suicide, substance abuse, school failure and drop-out, health problems, and criminal activity” (McCarthy, n.d., p.
Starting a new life is very problematic for many Central American children that migrate to the United States. There are a lot of difficulties involved in the process to migrate to the United States including the journey to get there. An extremely common way to migrate is by train. Migrants usually take away many life lessons from the journey to the United States such as the generosity and assistance from fellow Central Americans. On the other hand there’s extreme hardships. For example, the many robberies, and gang violence a migrant can face on the journey to the United States. During the trip, migrants learn that they usually cannot take things for granted, especially how scarce food, supplies, and other necessities are.
Immigrants must overcome many barriers to succeed in America. First, migrants frequently must learn a new language. Inability to communicate is a critical barrier for accessing the health care system (Urrutia-Rojas, Marshall, Trevino, Lurie, & Minguia-Bayona, 2006). Second, the processes of work and schooling for themselves and their families can be daunting. Lastly, immigrants use the established social network of longer duration residents for reference and knowledge (Nandi, Galea, Lopez, Nandi, Strongarone, & Ompad, 2008). For purposes of this report, there are three different types of immigrant: legal, undocumented, and refugees or persons seeking asylum. All three types of residents want to succeed and achieve their personal dream.
A diverse minority group of Latino and Spanish-speaking peoples has played an important part of what it means to be American and what it means to be a citizen in the United States today. Moving into the future, in order to analyze the trajectory that this group is in, we must first understand the group’s history in the United States and in territories that would become the United States. In addition, we must look at the origins of the most recent wave of Latino immigration in order to understand their current effect on American society and the intersection between both minority and majority groups. Finally, we get to the apex of this investigation: what lies in the future for Latino Americans in the United States? Although Latino Americans have been portrayed by the majority American culture as a lazy, thieving, and dirty people, their presence in the United States has immensely contributed to it’s development socially, economically, and politically, and their continued presence seems integral to the future of an America that is fast arriving at an age-related demographics problem that threatens our continued prosperity and the solvency of the Social Security system.
It is crucial to understand the historical context of immigration in America. Initially, most immigrants were from Europe and were not restricted by any immigration laws. Now, most immigrants come from Latin America but are restricted to severe immigration laws. The Latino/a community is one of the most severely affected groups because the current immigration system disproportionally affects Latino/as. Recognizing how the experience of Latino/a immigrants have been both similar and different in the past from other immigrant groups and dispelling common misconceptions about Latino/as today brings awareness of how Latino/as are affected.
As the Latino population in the United States continues to grow, U.S. Census Bureau, 2001, increasing attention is being turned toward understanding the risk and protective factors of immigrant Latino and U.S.-born Latino children and families. The demographic data relating to Latinos in the United States estimate that one of every two people added to the U.S population was Latino, in July 2009 Latino population was the fastest growing minority group U.S Census Bureau, 2010. Despite the increased risk of growing the immigrant families are in lower risk of Social Economic Status, having parents with less education and limited with language and knowledge about education. Immigrating to one place to another is often the most stressful event
Curtin’s “Coculturation: Toward a Critical Theoretical Framework for Cultural Adjustment” explores the many aspects of cultural adaptation. To enhance the conversation and construct a dialogue that counters that of the status quo, Melissa L. Curtin proposes a theory of Coculturation. Curtin (2010) seeks to “underscore the complex and ongoing processes of identification for all members of a community; to challenge any notion of a static, monolithic target culture; and to foreground that macrolevel sociopolitical and sociohistorical contexts, as well as microlevel social interactional processes, are important in understanding cultural adjustment” (p. 271). This work illuminates the conversation of acculturation and assimilation by combating the hegemonic discourse of traditional theoretical frameworks. According to Curtin, the rhetoric surrounding acculturation in the U.S. commonly “presumes an imagined national host community of a white, monolingual, English-speaking America to which immigrants should quickly assimilate.”
Social problems include difficulties with family relationships, isolation, interpersonal conflicts, and pressures of social roles. The Latino culture tends to place a higher premium on the well-being of the family unit over that of any one family member, a concept termed familialism (Smith & Montilla, 2006). In general, familialism emphasizes interdependence and connectedness in the family, and often extends familial ties beyond the nuclear family (Falicov, 1998). Given these values, Latinos often describe depression in terms of social withdrawal and isolation (Letamendi, et al., 2013). Social roles also play an important role in mental health, traditional gender roles in particular are strongly enforced and can be a source of distress. In Latino culture, men and women are expected to fulfill the roles outlined in the traditions of Machismo and Marianismo respectively. Machismo indicates that the man is supposed to be strong and authoritative, while Marianismo designates the woman as the heart of the family both morally and emotionally (Dreby, 2006). Although there is little research on causal factors, adherence to these traditional gender roles can pose a psychological burden and has been found to be strong predictor of depression (Nuñez, et al., 2015). The centrality of social problems in the conceptualization of depression for Latinos may be reflective of the collectivistic values that are characteristic of the group. Although these values have the potential to contribute to depression, they also have the potential to serve as protective factors and promote mental health (Holleran & Waller, 2003). Therefore, it is imperative that the counselor carefully consider cultural values, both in terms of potential benefits and drawbacks, to provide appropriate counseling to the Latino
The United States educational system faces a major challenge in addressing the disenfranchisement of youth due to poverty and racism in the schools. The U.S. Census Bureau, 2006 found that “currently about one-quarter of Blacks, Hispanics, and Native Americans are living in poverty in the U.S. compared to less than 10% of Asian Americans or Whites.” (Hughes et al. 2010, p. 2) Hughes, Newkirk & Stenhjem (2010) identified the stressors children living in poverty faced caused young adolescents to suffer mental and physical health issues which resulted in anxiety, hypertension, fear and depression. Lack of health care, neighborhood crime levels, joblessness, prejudice, and inadequate housing are among the many reasons multi-cultural youth from high poverty backgrounds become disenfranchised from the American school system. Race, racism, and poverty combine to create a triple jeopardy which severely impacts the fulfillment of the need of young adolescents to experience a sense of belonging and cultural competence. Lack of supportive environments both in school, society, work, and family life often prevent students from developing the cultural competence minority students must develop in order to become fully successful. For the purposes of this essay key issues were identified regarding the disenfranchisement of Native American youth, such as systemic prejudice and cultural bias within the school system which resulted in loss of connectedness of Navajo youth to school, teachers, and family. Galliher, Jones, & Dahl (2010) identified cultural connectedness as being the key component necessary in order to reengage the Native American student within the educational environment.
The Southwest United States is an area of great diversity. It is located on the border between the US and Mexico. In this region there are four main ethnicities represented: Hispanics, African Americans, Anglo Americans, and Native Americans. These groups interact daily working in the same offices and going to school together. Youth of each ethnicity face risks as they grow up. By focusing on the Hispanic adolescent girl the extent of the possible risks to one ethnicity can be explored. These risks will include motivation at school, the risk of dropping out of school, the at-risk classification, which includes gang involvement, and teen pregnancy. The results of studies focused on the risks to Hispanic girls will be compared to an interview with a Hispanic girl living in Tucson, Arizona and what she feels the actual risks are. Through the comparison a full view of the risks to adolescent Hispanic girls growing up in the border region will be seen.
Among world regions, the number of unauthorized immigrants from Asia, Central America and sub-Saharan Africa rose between 2009 and 2014. The number of immigrants from Mexico has steadily declined since 2007, the first year of the Great Recession, but Mexicans remain more than half (52%) of U.S. unauthorized immigrants. ”(Jeffrey Passel). “Population growth is influenced by three factors: mortality (the death rate, which has been steadily decreasing in the U.S.), birth rates or fertility (children per woman) and net immigration (immigration minus emigration). “ (USPS).
McCubbin, L.D. (2002). Resilience among Native Hawaiian adolescents: Ethnic identity, psychological distress and well-being. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin–Madison, Madison, WI.
In addition, most of these children Nazario interviewed, almost half lived in dangerous gang territories and were exposed to life threatening situations, “Of the 322 minors I interviewed, 145 have at least one gang in their neighborhood, and about half of these live in a contested gang territory. They report hearing gunshots nightly and are often afraid to walk even two or three blocks from their home since they fear crossing an always changing boundary” (Nazario, ###). Children decided they must leave their home country and chose to go to where they had family, because they feel unsafe and they have the necessity to escape the danger that entraps them in a never ending cycle of violence; this is why DACA plays an important role assisting these individuals.
A large part of the undocumented population was formed by Asian immigrants. Many of them have been deported by Obama Administration. Moreover, many of these are refugees who fled to the U.S. after the wars in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, had entered the United States as infants and toddlers. They have little or no family connection. Thousands of Cambodians and Vietnamese have faced the prospect of deportation (Hing 48). Some of the organizations, such as Asian Pacific Islander Youth Promoting Advocacy and Leadership appealed to Barack Obama administration to halt further deportations and has staged protests to raise awareness and engender action against deportation (Hing 49). However, according to Rep. Judy Chu, chairwoman of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus, undocumented young people from Asian and Pacific Island nations make up only 2.6 percent of recipients of deportation relief under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, even though they account for about 8 percent of those eligible (Foley 56). Asian Americans do not get the same level of attention as Latino American because of the myth of “model minority”. The public can only see the good side of Asian immigrants in the U.S. Many of the stories about undocumented Asian immigrants are unknown. Jose Antonio Vargas who came to America in his early age. He is a successful journalist and activist. But now he is facing the risk of being
In his book Lives in Limbo, author Roberto Gonzales explores undocumented student’s experiences through interviews and data retrieval. In U.S. dominant culture, the transition from adolescence to adulthood is believed to entail moving from full-time schooling to full-time work and from financial dependence to financial independence, living independently, getting married, and starting a family of one’s own. (Gonzales, 2015, 95) For undocumented youth, the transition to adulthood is more complicated, and as they leave adolescence, they enter the condition of illegality. Laws aimed at narrowing the rights of those unlawfully in the United States prevent these youths from participating in key adult rites of
As many immigrants arriving from Mexico and other Latin American countries are young males with little to no formal education or skills, they fall deftly into classic American stereotypes of criminality – meaning that much of the public baselessly associates Latino immigrant populations with higher levels of criminality and incarceration than the U.S. average. Contrary to these assumptions, first generation Latino populations in fact have significantly lower incarceration rates than all U.S. born ethnicities – including non-Hispanic whites. This low incarceration rate holds true even for undocumented Latino populations within the U.S. – a commonly stereotyped group in regard to criminality. Instead, it has been suggested through the Social Disorganization Theory that the crime traditionally attributed to immigration comes not from foreigners, but is an inherency of the low income neighborhoods in which they are forced to reside.