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Weimar republic and rise of the nazi party
Challenges to the weimar republic
The failure of weimar democracy
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The Weimer Republic, is the democratic government established in Germany in 1918 that ruled for fifteen years after the collapse of the German empire after the First World War.The republic consisted of moderates from the Social Democratic Party as well as their liberal allies, which included the German Democratic Party, and the Catholic Center Party. The Weimer Republic sought political democracy, which they believed was attainable by the elimination of war, revolutionary terror, and capitalism. Despite their clear goal, the Weimer Republic faced backlash by the radicals of society, which included communists, National Socialists, and the Nazi Party led by Adolf Hitler. THESIS: The Weimer Republic’s instability in the period of 1918-1933 is …show more content…
attributed to their weakness as they only offered the illusion of democracy and presented an anti-war standpoint that angered the radicals of society, which paved the way for revolutionaries who sought to diminish the incompetent government.
In Document 3, “The Situation in Germany” published in 1920, communist party member of the Reichstag, Clara Zetkin, talks about how the Weimer regime is only the terror of the bourgeois middle class hiding under the mask of democracy. Zetkin states how the republic is not giving power to the people, but instead becoming a dictatorship of the middle class. This document discusses how the republic is not actually making any change but instead expressing an anti-war attitude in order to disarm the revolutionaries who oppose them. However, the document holds a bias as Clara Zetkin is a communist Party member of the Reichstag, who is the main opponent of the republic. Despite this, Zetkin remains a reliable …show more content…
source as she states clear examples about how the republic is not making any significant change but is instead hiding behind the illusion of democracy and taking advantage of the poorer classes. In Document 4, novelist Thomas Mann takes the opposite standpoint as he speaks to the German university students in 1922. Mann takes the republic’s side by presenting an anti-war front against revolutionaries by talking about how war is only a pointless lie that only results in violence. He urges the students to side with the republic by using their distaste of war to his advantage, and not addressing any of the real issues that the republic has failed to fix. Mann remains an unbiased source as he is neither a member of the republic nor a radical opponent, leaving him free to take either side. However, he remains an unreliable source as he does not address any of the issues that the republic as failed to fix and instead attempts to blind the students with the republic’s illusion of democracy. Document 6 is a political journal from 1924 in which journalist Carl von Ossietzky attempts to defend the Weimer Republic.
He talks about how the republic is still a work in progress, as it is not yet a democracy governed only by mass consciousness. He discusses how the republic is still in the process of brainstorming ideas and making changes and in the meantime is merely overseeing Germany, rather than leading. Carl von Ossietzky is holds no bias as he is a journalist free to choose either side. This makes him a great source because even though he attempts to defend the republic, he addresses all the issues and urges people to understand that the republic is still developing. By addressing the issues of the republic and stating that the republic is still lacking in regard to ideas, he emphasizes how the republic is still only offering an illusion of a democratic government and not making any immediate changes, which is why it is facing opposition from those that wish for more radical change. In Document 7, National Socialist Party member of the Reichsag, Joseph Goebbels gives a speech to Nazi Party members in 1928, in which he urges them to fight back against the republic. Goebbels attempts to exploit the Weimer ideology, which promises democracy, in order to rally people to fight against the republic. He believes that the republic is weak, which is why it will be easy to destroy with popular support. Document 8, a novel published in 1930 by writer and former
member of a Free Corps Unit, Ernest von Salomon, addresses the many flaws of the Weimer republic and points out how the republic is deceiving Germany by only offering the possibility of action. He states how people are blinded by illusion of democracy, as they want it but are not addressing the obvious fact that the republic is not a democracy and instead only an illusion. Therefore, he attempts to turn people against the republic by exploiting their inability to take action and make changes. Ernest von Salomon holds a bias as is a First World War veteran, which means that in 1929, when the Great Depression hit, his benefits were cut due to the republic being so tied up in war related pensions and benefits, which left him vulnerable to the Nazi propaganda that expressed clear distaste for the republic. This, along with the fact that Ernst von Salomon was a former member of a Free Corps unit, who were called by the republic to diminish uprisings, makes Ernest von Salomon a good source as he has been on both the republic and its opponents sides and talks about both standpoints. In Document 9, former Chancellor of Germany Bernhard von Bülow’s memoirs published later in 1931, the weakness of the Weimar republic is once again addressed. The former chancellor talks about how the Social Democratic Party is unfit to govern and is instead a cruel piece of deception that conquered the German people. He talks about how the German people is hesitant to fight back because they have been so wronged, burned and mishandled that they are left tired, weak, and open to deception by the Weimer Republic. This document supports the claim that the Weimer Republic was weak and had no actual ideas, but only remained in power because of the feebleness of the majority of German society. In Document 10, novelist Henrich Mann takes the same standpoint in a political journal published in 1931. He talks about how revolutionaries such as Hitler’s meetings are held in secret at night because people are worn down after long day of struggle that leaves the desperate for change and more vulnerable to Nazi propaganda. Mann states that even though some people appear read to fight, they are really just scared and want to remain peaceful rather than voice their opinion. Mann claims revolutionaries such as Hitler, gain popularity and support by exploiting people’s fear and resentment towards the republic. He supports the claim that people have been scared and blinded by the Weimer Republic, who is only in power because of their illusionist appearance. In Document 11, Adolf Hitler, the leader of the Nazi party, gives a speech to the Industry Club of German business executives and economists in 1932. Hitler talks addresses the fact that people have been blinded by the republic, but are ready to fight. He states that the Weimer Republic of the bourgeois is weak and tired and not making any changes, which is why he wants the hardworking members of society to fight back. He appeals to the desire and want of the Industry Club by talking about how they are working for nothing and that if they fight the republic, Germany will become great. Hitler is a biased source as he is a Nationalist Socialist, part of an leader of the movement and political party that is driven by extreme nationalism and racism and wants to fight back against the republic in order to claim power for themselves. However, Hitler remains a reliable source as he shows how the workers of German society eventually gained the courage to fight back against the republic because they were tired and left vulnerable to propaganda and corruption. He shows how he republic has done nothing for Germany, which is why so many people join the radicals that want to fight back against the incompetent government. The instability of the Weimer Republic, which left it open and vulnerable to people such as Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party who sought to overthrow it, is similar in comparison to the Protestant Reformation against the Catholic Church led by Martin Luther. The weakness of the Church during the Reformation resulted from the Great Schism and the Black Death, which is why when Martin Luther posted his 95 Theses on a Church door in Wittenburg, a huge movement began. Like Hitler with the Weimer Republic, Martin Luther saw the weakness and instability of the Church and used it to his advantage by criticizing Papal authority and Church practices. The instability of both the Weimer Republic and the Catholic Church during the Reformation, in what Hitler and Martin Luther to challenge these institutions and gain the attention of the people. The people of Germany were left weak and tiresome from the First World War as well as the lack of dramatic change from the Weimer Republic, and the people during the Reformation were left devastated by the Black Death. Both Hitler and Martin Luther saw the weakness of institutions and used it to their advantage. In conclusion, the weakness of the republic caused by their failure to implement an actual democratic government as well as the republic’s anti-war standpoint that angered radicals, contributed to the weakness and failure of the Weimer Republic-which caused the overall instability of the Weimer Republic. The Republic, rather than trying to make and initiate real changes, hid behind the facade of democracy and their anti-violence standpoint. The failure of the Weimer Republic allowed revolutionaries such as Adolf Hitler and his Nazi Party, to easily gain momentum and support. After the First World War, people were left weak and vulnerable and when they realized the instability of the republic, they sought to join revolutionaries that would allow them embrace and to be a part of a great new Germany. Finally, in the end it was the instability of the Weimer Republic that remains a cause of the Second World War. The failure and instabilities of the Weimer Republic allowed for fascists like Adolf Hitler to manipulate the weak and vulnerable members of society and turn them towards extreme nationalism and racism.
Exploring the Reasons Behind Public's Discontent with the Weimar Government There were a number of reasons why the German people were unhappy with the Weimar government. One of the main reasons for this was the signing of the Treaty of Versailles. The result of this was that Germany has to take the war guilt, Germany had to pay reparations of 6,600 million marks to the allies in particular France, Germany lost its colonies, it lost its air force & tanks, and its soldiers were restricted to 100,000. The Ruhr was demilitarised. Also they lost their colonies and its land was cut up such as the Polish Corridor and Alsace Lorraine.
In 19th century Italian states united to make Italy while the Germanic states united and made Germany. For Italy there were three people who had a major role in unifying Italy. They were Mazzini, Garibaldi and Cavour. For Germany it was more like one person who united the German states to make Germany and that was Bismarck. On the other hand there was a strong Austrian empire that would not tolerate any nationalist feelings to rise anywhere in Europe.
Gottfried, Ted, and Stephen Alcorn. Nazi Germany: The Face of Tyranny. Brookfield, CT: Twenty-First Century, 2000. Print.
The first major reason that the Weimar republic failed was that it was extremely inefficient and did not have clear goals set within the government. All the different ideas coming from the parties in the republic, created a situation where the people of Germany were getting very unclear, vague messages. This problem can be seen in the struggle between the German Democratic Party and the Communist Party. Troeltsch, a theologian and leader of the German Democratic Party said, “The development will not stop at democracy, and a ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ will assume the form of terrorist domination by a minority” (Doc 1). This statement is only somewhat reliable because Troeltsch was a politician, and he would benefit from over exaggerating what would happen if the opposing party were to gain control. The exact opposite of this idea is the view of Communist Party member Clara Zetkin. When she talks about how the only way that Germany can really get rid of monarchy is by having a proletariat uprising it can be seen that she obviously embraces communist policy. (Doc 3)....
However, the consensus view of Carsten and similar historians writing at the time is that the far-left were not as politically strong as first thought, so consequently there was a lack of any serious opposition to the established order and in turn they were allowed to have more independence and self-determination in implementing Germany’s first republic. So the social basis for a constitutional government in Germany is a lot more widespread than previously thought. Furthermore, the apprehensiveness of the social democrats can be interpreted in terms of distrusting the unstructured mass movements that existed in the pressing post-war years, and placing their trust in the old elites. However, works such as Feldman’s, ‘The Great Disorder’. The German inflation 1914 – 1924’ argue that the perspective representative potential of soldiers and workers unions and councils were in fact decisively contentious.
The general public of Germany had never had any say in political matters; they allowed the Kaiser to make all the decisions regarding themselves and their once-prosperous country. The groups controlling Germany began to change during October and November 1918. More power began to fall into the hands of the people as they realised the blame for their involvement in the war was the Kaiser’s. People such as the armed soldiers, sailors and workers started protesting and going on strike. This was a far cry from before the war, when Germany was wealthy, proud and ambitious. So for a brief period, it seemed that a revolution would take place, with the people of Germany wanting a social and political revolution.
The foreign policy of Nazi Germany between 1933 and 1945 was different than any other country during that era. Their distinct approach to ruling came from the nation’s many diverse philosophies. Furthermore, every basis of motivation and control came from the beliefs in which they so strictly followed. Many aspects, such as, communism, fascism, and nationalism, influenced these ideologies.
“On 2 August 1934, President Hindenburg died. Within an hour of his death Hitler announced that the offices of chancellor and president were to be combined and that he was the new head of state. Hitler’s adolescent dream of becoming Fuhrer of the German people had been realized” President Hindenburg’s death marked the official end of the Weimar Republic, a democratic ‘experiment’ that had lasted since 1918. The causes of the dissolution of the Republic are wide ranging and numerous, as was explained in the articles of both Richard Bessel, and John McKenzie. The two author’s agree on the sequence of events which led to the dissolution of the Republic, however, they disagree on what exactly caused the transition from Weimar to the Third Reich. The author’s disagreement stem from a differing view of the fundamental cause, political structure versus political leadership.
'Nazi Germany ' represented the period from 1933s to 1945s, which played an important role in prosperous German history and the modern European history. After Germany participated in First World War in the first half of the 20th century, the whole society was glutted with unemployment, poverty, hunger, inflation and moral corruption. The public couldn’t feel the republican democracy benefits.
The German Weimar Republic was an attempt to make Germany a more democratic state. While this was a very good idea in theory, the Weimar Republic was ineffective due to the instability that came with it. Several factors contributed to the instability of Germany’s Weimar Republic, such as the new political ideals brought forward and the government’s hunger for war. To begin, one of the factors that contributed to the instability of the Weimar republic was the presence of new political ideals. Marie Juchacz unintentionally highlighted that reason in her speech to the National Assembly.
In this essay I will explore the effectiveness of propaganda, used to maintain control over Nazi Germany. I will also analyse the arguments for the different cases associated with the statement before concluding with my own personal opinion.
MODERN HISTORY – RESEARCH ESSAY “To what extent was Nazi Germany a Totalitarian state in the period from 1934 to 1939?” The extent to which Nazi Germany was a totalitarian state can be classed as a substantial amount. With Hitler as Fuhrer and his ministers in control of most aspects of German social, political, legal, economical, and cultural life during the years 1934 to 1939, they mastered complete control and dictation upon Germany. In modern history, there have been some governments, which have successfully, and others unsuccessfully carried out a totalitarian state. A totalitarian state is one in which a single ideology is existent and addresses all aspects of life and outlines means to attain the final goal, government is run by a single mass party through which the people are mobilized to muster energy and support.
German people were unused to a democracy and blamed the government “November criminals”, for signing the Treaty of Versailles. From the very beginning, the new Weimar government faced opposition from both sides of the political spectrum. The Left wing Spartacist group, lead by Liebknecht and Luxemburg, looked up to the new Soviet councils in Russia, wanted to place Germany into a similar system.
The Weimar Republic The Weimar Republic was created in Germany in 1918 as a result of widespread socialist unrest. A liberal constitution was drawn up in 1919. There was extensive instability in Germany around this time. The Weimar government had trouble pleasing right and left wing parties because, at this time, Germany was very polarised politically. Hitler dissolved the republic in 1933.
Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. "The German Ideology." The Marx-Engels Reader. Ed. Robert C. Tucker. New York: Norton, 1978. 146-200. Print