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Neorealism in Waltz’s perspective to explore the international system in world politics is an international system is composed of a set of a structure with interacting units. A structure is the most important pattern to concern about international system and the units constituting the system. Waltz the first priority thinking of state is each state should survive and after that will try to improve their effect in the international system. Today we all know and we are witnessing nowadays U.S. is in the role of great power after cold war and China the role of rising power. The relationship between two big countries is the main focus in current debate is if China can step into be the great power what and how U.S. will react it. In this essay …show more content…
is more closing and China will be more capable power to take the role. And U.S. can not constrained power any longer especially after Iraq war, they lost a lot of money and more. From Waltzian neorealist perspectives here is the main problems between China- U.S. relation. First, the balance of power by arguing that true security can only be found atop the international system and that states will not be satisfied until they reach that point. From Waltz, his opinion is the world should be divide to bipolar so, this polar can decrease possibility of war because when two countries hold the great power and can avoid and concerned more about the effect if they make a war. But the main question is How much power is enough to maintain the bipolar? — He answered with defensive realism that state should not seek to be hegemon which is relative with peaceful architecture. Survival of the state is the point of purpose not to seek hegemony.But for China and U.S., the problem is nowadays both are trying to build many cooperations with many countries. For example,in Asia region, China and U.S. try to establish organizations such as TPP which U.S. is the main actor in this organization and China try to do bilateral relations especially with economic cooperations. The first problem is how China- U.S. weigh the balance of power between each other. China can rise peacefully or not in Waltzian indicate problem—both of China and U.S.’s intentions obvious reveal many dimension to the world of politics and this caused make many fear of them as the threats. In other hand, President Xi just visited U.S. to cool down the hot political situations. This can infer bipolar as Waltz said but in the ends no one knows and can not predicts what will
But every coin has two side, so does war. Some people think war will always around us because the country need develop. “The prominent University of Chicago political scientist John J. Mearsheimer, a self-declared “card-carrying realist,” sees great danger for the United States in China’s continued prosperity: “Can China rise peacefully? My answer is no. If China continues its impressive economic growth over the next few decades, the United States and China are likely to engage in an intense security competition with considerable potential for war” (2006, 160).” (James Payne, 2012) People around the world can see that China follow a peaceful way to develop fast both on military and economic. But there are still have some people believe it’s dangerous. I can understand what they are concern about, but every country wants to develop as well as the U.S., and the main goal is not to occupied or flaunt anything, the main aim is to make the ordinary people who live in the country have a better life. And the country develop their military is in order to protect their citizen, and make their citizen fell safety. There is a Chinese old saying “One shouldn 't have the heart to harm others, but must be vigilant so as not to be harmed.” We cannot have a bad idea for others, but we still need protect ourselves to avoid hurt. I think this view is the same as between
In his book Resurgence of the West, Rosecrance claims that after centuries of success, the United States is facing an economic and political decline due to the rise of China. He suggests that the United States can fix this problem by one of two ways. The first is isolationism, but that means the United States will have to completely remove itself from international affairs. On the other hand, Rosecrance proposes that the United States form an economic coalition with Europe, to stand up against rising China and ‘non-western’ countries. Eventually, both regions will witness an economic prosperity through this merger. As a result, this will prompt China and other ‘non-western’ nations to join this alliance.
Realism can be described as a theoretical approach used to analyze all international relations as the relation of states engaged in power (Baylis, Owens, Smith, 100). Although realism cannot accommodate non-state actors within its analysis. There are three types of realism which include classical (human
...issue. In this case, neoliberalism not only helps states to make a more rational decision, but also gives a birth of the institution forming the norms for the states’ solving crisis in the future. To conclude, both of them are important, while they are not contradictory, but complementary.
For the purpose of this essay, I will assess the strengths and weaknesses of Neo-Classical Realism; focusing on the theory’s core assumptions about the International System and how it interacts with units. I will discuss the theory in relation to the international politics of the region, with particular reference to the build up to the Iran-Iraq war.
The realism that will be the focus of this paper is that of Kenneth Waltz. Kenneth Waltz presents his theory of realism, within an international system, by offering his central myth that, “Anarchy is the permissive cause of war”. Kenneth Waltz’s central myth helps answer the question as to why war happens in the first place. During the cold war, there was a heightened sense of insecurity between Russia and the United States due to presence of nuclear weapons. The Movie Dr. Strangelove or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb used cold war tension between the two countries to tell the story of a general who went crazy and decided to unleash his fleet of nuclear bombers onto Russian military bases.
In today's world, the international system is unipolar with the United States reigning supreme. However, in the coming years, it is predicted that the system will switch to a bipolar system with the United States and China having comparatively similar power. The United States and China, two powerful and influential countries on the international level who differ greatly from one another. China, a country which has customs and traditions deeply embedded into every corner of its systems and America, which is a new country with customs and traditions ranging greatly from family to family. The question arises, can these two powerhouses coexist in a bipolar system where both countries are relatively equal superpowers? Yes the United States and China can coexist peacefully in a bipolar system due to the three points of the Kantian Tripod: reciprocity, trade, and democracy.
In order for countries to cohesively overcome international barriers, frameworks of ideal political standards must be established. Two of these frameworks constantly discussed in international relations are the theories of Neo-realism and Liberalism; two theories with their own outlook at the way politicians should govern their country as well as how they should deal with others. Neo-realism lies on the structural level, emphasizing on anarchy and the balance of power as a dominant factor in order to maintain hierarchy in international affairs. In contrast, Liberalism's beliefs are more permissive, focusing on the establishments of international organizations, democracy, and trade as links to strengthen the chain of peace amongst countries. Liberalism provides a theory that predominantly explains how states can collaborate in order to promote global peace; however, as wars have been analyzed, for example World War II, the causes of them are better explained by Neo-realist beliefs on the balance of power and states acting as unitary actors. Thus, looking out for their own self interest and security.
He reveals that prior to 1949, China had been perceived of as an enigma and dormant giant. It was Napoleon who had forecasted China’s power by warning that once China woke up, it would threaten or shake the world. This source provides evidence by reporting on several world leaders who had predicted China as potential time bomb as well as those that feared its rise. They include Rudyard Kipling, New Zealands’ former Prime Minister George Waterhouse, and Russia’s President, Vladimir. The presentation of these cases is credible and sufficient in justifying that indeed, China is affecting the way of international politics. This further encourages research on the impact of its rise after 1949. The revelation of China’s rise to be a source of global shift in politics illuminates the thesis of this study in that having provided evidence that China’s rise has threatened former world powers such as the United States and Russia, the need to recognize what has changed arises. Following this, the information in Scott’s book provides the basis of this study in that it asserts that China is one of the most influential nations in the world, and thus, it is indeed causing ripples and inflicting changes in international politics
"Should international relations theory be held accountable for explaining fundamental changes in the hierarchy of international politics and the emergence of new actors?" It seems absurd to answer that international relations theory should not be in the business of explaining fundamental changes in international politics. However, this response paper will argue on both edges of the question. First, it actually does make sense to attempt to hold as many things as possible constant, or as "givens" in attempting to craft explanations for events in international politics. Jumping to an explanation that involves a fundamental shift in the structure of the international system or nature of the actors, should be a last resort, rather than the first. This is a major component of Waltz's neorealism. On the other hand, this paper will demonstrate that although it is desirable to hold some variables constant in attempts to explain great variation with few premises, one must take a broad view (to either expand scope, or break the previous "givens," of neorealism) to create better explanations. Several alternative schools of thought are in fact pursuing this goal, to include rational choice, liberalism, and regime theory. These approaches attempt to craft explanations of change, while holding different elements constant. Finally, a brief word on constructivism must be considered.
To understand the international relations of contemporary society and how and why historically states has acted in such a way in regarding international relations, the scholars developed numerous theories. Among these numerous theories, the two theories that are considered as mainstream are liberalism and realism because the most actors in stage of international relations are favouring either theories as a framework and these theories explains why the most actors are taking such actions regarding foreign politics. The realism was theorized in earlier writings by numerous historical figures, however it didn't become main approach to understand international relations until it replaced idealist approach following the Great Debate and the outbreak of Second World War. Not all realists agrees on the issues and ways to interpret international relations and realism is divided into several types. As realism became the dominant theory, idealistic approach to understand international relations quickly sparked out with failure of the League of Nation, however idealism helped draw another theory to understand international relations. The liberalism is the historical alternative to the realism and like realism, liberalism has numerous branches of thoughts such as neo-liberalism and institutional liberalism. This essay will compare and contrast the two major international relations theories known as realism and liberalism and its branches of thoughts and argue in favour for one of the two theories.
There are many facts showing that United States of America has been the leading world superpower since the end of World War II. However, recently, the rate of development experienced in China has been frightening; there are statistics showing that China’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is so high that it could exceed USA in a few years. The concern, however, has been that China is underdeveloped and not mature enough to handle the responsibility of becoming a superpower. Some policymakers in the USA stated that China is increasingly assertive have perpetuated this assertion (Acemoglu and James 34). They further indicate that an assertive China is likely to support abusive regimes in its self-interest, threaten war, and support policies that do not depict international cooperation while ignoring global objectives such as sustainability of the environment and public health. Any country that rises to the position of being a superpower should be able to take over the responsibilities associated with a superpower, especially promoting global peace and international cooperation. China is proving to be a dangerous superpower because its ideologies and policies on international issues do not show a rational superpower.
Classical realism originates from the ancient times of the Greek empires. This theory in international relations has dominated the sphere and the conception of world politics for centuries. Classical realists such as Morgenthau and Thucydides outline different factors in explaining politics at all levels and emphasize that politics is described throughout the theory of classical realism. Like every theory in international relations, classical realism has strengths and weaknesses that define its impact in the international level. In our current age of diplomacy, classical realism is not a common theory in current international politics. Although it is not as relevant as it has been in the past, there is potential for classical
The traditional view of world politics was Realism, this theory concentrated on security as the main factor in world politics, this meant political integration between states was believed to be slight and only viable as long as it served the national interest of the state. Transnational actors were believed to not exist or not have any political importance. The balance of power was decided militarily and needed to remain stable (Keohane & Nye, 2011: 20). With the changes the 1970’s brought and with transnationalism becoming ever more prevalent and obvious many believed realism no longer described the world.
During the era of the Cold War, the global power structure was “characterized by strategic bipolarity” (Sorensen 2004: 124). After the disintegration of Soviet Union, the global power structure turned into a unipolar world under the control of the United States. With the development of Germany and Japan, scholars, analysts and observers have predicted a decline in American power and a return to a multi-polar world. Recent years, the BRICs has been considered as a new power in global issue. its rapid and successful development, China has been exposed under the spotlight all the time. The world economic crisis happened in 2007 not only damaged the economy of America but also the international image. We have seen the vulnerability of American economy and the failing role of taking responsibility for the economic crisis. Simultaneously, as a huge economy, China is the only country recovers in the minimum duration. The recovery of China also contributes to the spring back of regional and global economy. After the global economic crisis, China has reduced the distance with America in economy, most importantly; China has built a “powerful” image in the world. Thus this image brings one standpoint that China is becoming another super power in the world; America cannot dictate the whole world any more. Based on this view, the global power structure is emerging “a G2 structure: China and US” (Stelzer 2009). This paper is aiming to analyze this G2 assumption. Is it the real global power structure in the world now? How does the crisis affect the state? Does the world economic crisis only bring power to China? Where will be the next stop of the power structure?