Guatemalans began fleeing to the United States during the three and a half decade long Civil War (1960-1996), and today, child migration fueled by a desire to escape from violence is still very prevalent. This violence began during the Civil War, when civilians were often attacked and treated as military objectives. In the years after the war, violence has remained prevalent, and acts receive little response from the police. Additionally, the corruption of the government and justice system parallel conditions during the War. Political instability, corruption, and violence have become engrained in Guatemalan society, and as a result, the magnitude of these issues has become clouded. Beginning in the Civil War, individuals responded to dangerous …show more content…
conditions by migrating to other countries. As of 2004, ten percent of Guatemalans lived in the United States. In recent years, child migration has been increasing, including a ninety percent increase throughout Central America between 2013 and 2014. Twenty-four percent of Central American migrants are from Guatemala. Migration is very dangerous; many are injured, and gang-violence is common along the journey. In areas such as the Tierra Blanca, a Mexican city through which refugees travel, gangs kidnap people, then demand money from them and threaten death. Following this procedure, they then pose as children’s relatives to Guatemalan authorities in order to escape suspicion. Once children arrive in the United States, the majority are allowed to stay, by showing that they merit asylum or receiving special immigrant juvenile status if they were neglected or abused by their parents. As a result of the decades of violence that began during the Civil War, Guatemalan citizens have become desensitized to the omnipresent violence. The years of ineffective police and government response to this violence have created dangerous conditions, forcing children to flee and migrate through Mexico to the United States. Unaccompanied children are migrating from Guatemala to escape a society filled with violence, abuse, and economic hardships. Children experience violence, through witnessing gang violence at school, violence at home, and public lynching. In a United Nations Refugee Agency study of four hundred unaccompanied minors from Central America, forty-eight percent experienced violence by crime-organized groups, twenty-two percent experienced abuse at home, and thirty nine percent were recruited into human smuggling, illegal immigration. Violence, specifically gang violence, homicides, and sexual abuse, has increased within the past decade, and the homicide rate has doubled between 2000 and 2006. As a result, adolescents recognize that it can be less dangerous to migrate to the United States than to stay in Guatemala. In an interview on National Public Radio, Jose Alberto Lima Barrera, a child migrant, said: “it’s scarier here than making the dangerous trek through Mexico.” The issues in Guatemala are furthered by the lack of police response to these events. Dulce Melinda, a child migrant who left because of sexual abuse, described her experiences with violence in an interview with José Díaz-Balart. When asked if rape is common, she answered: “Actually, it’s really common in [Guatemala], because it happens a lot, a lot of times, but a lot of times the people don’t do nothing, or the police don’t do nothing over there, in Guatemala.” As a result of the regularity of these incidents, police and public response is often minimal, a consequence of the years of violence and injustice that began during the thirty-six year Civil War. The Guatemalan Civil War began in 1960, when a group of former military officers sought to implement political reform and overthrow the government by waging war.
On November 13, 1960, the first revolt against the Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes regime began in Eastern Guatemala, because rebels were angered by his conservatism and dishonesty. Thomas and Marjory Melville, two historians describe this government as “ideologically conservative, blatantly dishonest and constantly erratic. Radicals were especially angered by President Ydígoras’ role in the 1961 CIA Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. The radicals were defeated, but this began the left-wing guerrilla movement and the Civil …show more content…
War. Two years later, in 1962, the Movimiento Revolucionario 13 de Noviembre (Revolutionary Movement 13th November), MR-13, was formed and began the military campaign against the government. In March of 1963, the Ydígaras regime fell when Enrique Peralta Azurida, the Guatemalan Defense Minister and a communist radical seized control of the presidential palace. Mr. Azurida then abolished Congress and the constitution, in an attempt to turn Guatemala into a dictatorship. However, this attempted dictatorship failed, because Congress voted to replace him with the democratically elected Julio César Méndez Montenegro. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, Guatemala was under military rule. Multi-party rule allowed the army to choose a candidate to lead the country. During this time, two revolutionary groups, both titled the Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (Rebel Armed Forces), were created. Both of these groups rallied city-dwellers to join the rebellion and relied on violent acts such as assassinations, kidnappings, robberies, and bombings to revolt against the government. New guerrilla groups, the Guerrilla Army of the Poor and the Revolutionary Organization of the People, were established, leading to an increase in counterinsurgency of military regimes. These groups launched military offensives, which employed a variety of tactics. One of the most popular was the scorched-earth tactic, the act of destroying anything potentially useful to the opponent while rapidly moving through the country. In addition to this, the groups bombed cities, massacred citizens in designated zones, destroyed villages, and took action against civilian populations, thus beginning the increased violence of the 1970s. During the Civil War, violence was used tactically by the military and by revolutionaries, to instill fear in communities and their leaders.
Beginning in 1966, the military caused radical leaders to disappear as a method of state terrorism. In addition to army violence, guerrillas also used violence to promote their cause. To justify this violence, the Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres (Military Guerrillas of the Poor), a new radical organization, deemed it “popular justice.” The individuals tried were charged and often killed by guerrillas for counterrevolutionary acts committed during the 1960s. This violence continued throughout the 1970s and escalated in 1978, when the existing armed opposition groups began to fight with the military. The government responded to this engagement with persecution and repression directed at discontent. Instead of fining, or sending criminals to jail, law enforcement employed death squads of police officers to deal with many instances of petty crime. Disputes were settled by assassination, rather than arbitration. During this period, radical leaders were killed, leading many to believe that the government was involved, and that death squads were given lists of targets. In addition to police violence, guerrilla violence also increased. These groups burned houses, killed innocent men, women and children, and completely destroyed villages routinely. As the War continued, violence no longer involved only guerrillas and the army; it
began to affect the entire civilian population. The army treated people as as military objectives, because they supported revolutionary political organizations, both politically and logistically. Ordinary people became a key focus of military strategy, and were involved in the war against their will. The country was divided into zones, which designated the numbers of people to be killed, in order to instill fear in Guatemalan communities. Regardless of age, no one was spared, and the soldiers did not care who witnessed the killings. The army forced everyone to fight and participate in patrols. Soldiers marched into villages and were forced to kill everyone, including children, family and friends. As seen in the photograph Army Day, In Front of the National Palace, soldiers had the same uniforms, stances, and facial expressions, removing their individuality and becoming instruments of war. Consequently, many became emotionally removed and forgot details of their former life and their own values. As Heather Dean describes, “they forgot what life is,” leading them to lose their humanity and continue the violence against civilians. Nearly two thousand people were killed annually, due to the death squads, which operated freely and openly in the streets. In order to escape the violence and repression, individuals began migrating to Mexico and hiding in the jungle for years. From the 1970s to the end of the Civil War, more children were killed than soldiers.
On July 26, 1953, the war for Cuba’s independence began, and for 6 years many Cubans fought for their freedom. The most famous of these revolutionary icons being Fidel Castro, who led the main resistance against the Cuban government. On January 1, 1959, Fidel Castro and the rest of the Cuban's succeeded. This revolutionary war went on to affect the entire world and Eric Selbin believes it is still affecting it. Throughout Eric Selbin's article, Conjugating the Cuban Revolution, he firmly states that the Cuban revolution is important in the past, present, and future. Selbin, however, is wrong.
In January of 1959 , Communist dicator Fidel Castro took over Cuba. The United States in 1961 tried to overthrow Fidel by arming rebels and attempting to support them. This was the failure known as the Bay of Pigs. In October of 1962 , The US finds evidence that medium range nuclear sites had been installed in Cuba. They annonce that on the twenty-third that a quatntine was being Cuba and that any ship carrying offensive weapons to Cuba wasn’t allowed. Five days later , the crisis was averted when the Soviets began to remove the
Frankel, Max. A. “Cuba - A Case of Communist Take-Over.” The New York Times Magazine July 1961: 59-64 Guido, Jessica. “The Invasion and the Failure.” The Invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs.
The Civil War in El Salvador lasted from 1980 to 1992, and the El SAlvadoran government was doing their best to minimize the threat of their opposition. Their main opposition, The Frente Farabundo Marti Para La Liberacion Nacional; otherwise known as the FMLN, was a guerrilla group that was organized to fight the corruption in the country. 175). One of the main goals of the organization was to create a new society that is not degrading its citizens and promotes equality. Throughout El Salvador’s history, one organization to the next would run the country through repressive actions and social injustice. One of the main reasons that the FMLN fought the acting government were due to these social restraints on the lower- class citizens in El Salvador.
Starting a new life is very problematic for many Central American children that migrate to the United States. There are a lot of difficulties involved in the process to migrate to the United States including the journey to get there. An extremely common way to migrate is by train. Migrants usually take away many life lessons from the journey to the United States such as the generosity and assistance from fellow Central Americans. On the other hand there’s extreme hardships. For example, the many robberies, and gang violence a migrant can face on the journey to the United States. During the trip, migrants learn that they usually cannot take things for granted, especially how scarce food, supplies, and other necessities are.
Medina states, “Gang rule is absolute and young people are extremely vulnerable to forced recruitment into the gangs. Adolescents are continually intimidated and subjected to violence, pressurised into joining the gangs or working for them as drug pushers or in other roles” (Medina). This fear dynamic is used in order to promote corruption within the system of migration. The migrants that decide to escape are forced to encounter constant dangers while migrating. Medina states, “Fear of deportation is largely behind the failure to report crimes; in order to get their destination, most migrants will continue on their journey as soon as possible, leaving the experiences behind them, shrouded in silence” (Medina). This silence thrives on the system of corruption which implicates Mexico’s passivity to protect migrants from violence. Overall, this represents enduring the consequences the migrants face and the perseverance to
Beginning in the late 1970s Liberation Theology, Marxism, and U.S. Cold War policy collided in El Salvador culminating in a civil war that lasted over a decade and ultimately produced democratic political institutions that persist into the 21st century. Despite the prejudices against the church on behalf of government and media organizations in the U.S. and El Salvador, religious actors fought for human rights and the implementation of democratic institutions throughout the period of conflict. The Salvadoran Civil War, which occurred in the context of the Cold War, was one of the bloodiest and longest events in the history of Latin America after the Guatemalan Civil War. The conflict lasted from 1979 to 1992, left approximately 75,000 people dead, and a country in ashes. The conflict started after the fraudulent elections of the Coronel Arturo Armando Molina (1972), who focused his term on repressing the communist political parties that wanted to work for a social reform. This aroused the anger of the popular sectors, which started to organize groups and demonstrations demanding fair election and improvement of social conditions. The government responded to their demands with savage violence, focusing primarily on the oppression of campesinos because they were the ones who supported the revolutionary leftist forces. These actions alienated the Salvadoran population even more and caused many people in the Catholic Church to start denouncing the government’s actions. Thus, as the Civil War started to rise, the church started to radicalize and to and spoke up against the government’s actions. One of its most fervent advocates was Monsignor Oscar Arnulfo Romero, who during his short time as the Archbishop of San Salvador manifested hi...
By the end of the 2000s, while it seemed to many that there was no end in sight to the violence, behind the scenes senior gang leaders in El Salvador admitted to having grown tired of the gang warfare. Many of them, reflecting on the destruction the inter-gang violence had wrought on the communities in which their mothers, wives, children and grandchildren lived, felt compelled to look for a solution.... ... middle of paper ... ... Having grown increasingly frustrated with these rampant displays of impunity by gangs, the Salvadoran public pressured its government to prioritize public security above all else.
Gleijeses Piero. Shattered Hope The Guatemalan Revolution and The United States, 1944-1954. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991.
These documents detailed a series of counterinsurgency sweeps through Guatemalan regions to kill the enemy guerillas and destroy their bases with extreme force. The prosecution proved with evidence that General Rios Montt was guilty of 1,771 indigenous people, forced displacement of 29,000 people, at least nine cases of sexual violence and various cases of torture (Burt 2). The violence was overwhelming when described in court and included powerful testimonies that showed indiscriminate massacres, rape, infanticide, destruction of crops to induce starvation, and abduction of children (Burt 2). The use of defense patrols was also produced as evidence against the General, citing that these where used as methods to undermine local populations and instill fear amongst the citizens of these villages.
The First decade of Castro's Cuba, 1969, [S.l.] : [s.n.], Location: Kimberlin library, Pamphlet 972.91064/FIR
The Mayan Genocide was a result of a civil war concerning communism and democracy between corrupt leaders and the people of Guatemala. The Guatemalan army carried out the genocide under the self-proclaimed name “killing machines”. According to the article Genocide in Guatemala “the army destroyed 626 villages, killed or “disappeared” more than 200,000 people and displaced an additional 1.5 million, while more than 150,000 were driven to seek refuge in Mexico”. The army murdered and tortured without regard to age or gender, men, women, and children all alike. In an attempt to end the conflict Peace Accords were signed, in spite of the fact that there was little change. Directly following the Mayan genocides, Guatemala faced physical and emotional
War and violence in Central America is a result of governmental injustice due to the United States’ foreign policies. The United States supported El Salvador with weapons and money throughout the civil war. As a result of enforcing these policies, El Salvador’s poverty, population and crime rate increased. The books “.After.” by Carolina Rivera Escamilla and “The Tattooed Soldier” by Hector Tobar give us a glimpse of the issues Central Americans face.
Cuban Dictator was overthrown by Fidel Castor. The main problem was that the United States
The root cause of the conflicts that occurred before, during and after the civil war in El Salvador is the disparity between the rich and the poor. Built upon the backs of the colonial system introduced by the Spaniards during the colonial period, the hacienda system, sustaining unequal distribution of wealth and land, polarized the country. While the Spaniards acquired labor through the economienda system in which the Spanish crown gave a set number of natives to Spanish elites, the elites acquired land through haciendas. Attempting to exploit the production of cash crops and monopolize agriculture, the Spanish elites made haciendas, large landowning estates. (Kraft)