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Society and refugees
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The Palestinian exile of 1948 marks the beginning of an ongoing identity struggle of a population of displaced persons sans a homeland. The devastation brought about by the initial expulsion of the Palestinian people is compounded by near-constant armed warfare both within the territories and in refugee camps in nearby nations that house Palestinian refugees. These constant bombardments are a detriment to collective and individual Palestinian identity, which has in turn become defined to a large extent externally (and internally to some degree) by armed resistant to Zionist influence solely, leading to a deficit in traditional, more positive national identity. The diaspora Palestinian population additionally faces complex struggles with acceptance …show more content…
amongst the larger “Arab” identity shared with inhabitants of neighboring nations, further compounding their struggle for a solidified identity and homeland. Populations from other nations face distinct, but similar struggles as their paths cross with the path of the Palestinians when these individuals all commonly seek refuge in nearby Arab countries. In his novel Memory for Forgetfulness that explores a single day in August 1982 during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and shelling of Beirut, famed Palestinian poet and prose writer Mahmoud Darwish resists the idea of identity-based conflict due to the cross-identity nature of alliances during the Lebanese invasion. Though consistently drawing attention to the “othering” of the Palestinian people by non-Palestinians (Lebanese, Christians, and Jews), Darwish’s primary vehicle for unifying people under shared experience is by forging a collective identity amongst all refugees regardless of place of origin or other differentiating factors. While certainly the bombardment of Beirut is an extension of the Palestinian narrative, Darwish focuses instead on the plight of refugees as a distinct group, undefined by individual national identity. This focus undermines the “Arab versus Jew” classification attached to any instances of Israeli warfare, and stands tribute to the reality that the brutalities of the Lebanese invasion were committed by and against individuals of varied identities and thus were a detriment to the progress of humanity and peace on a global scale. In the novel Memory for forgetfulness, Darwish resists the classification of the invasion of Lebanon as an identity-based conflict by drawing attention to the plurality of suffering across identity lines and by forging a collective refugee identity amongst individuals united by warfare, while conscientiously making clear the disunity and lack of acceptance amongst Arabs in which Palestinians remain outsiders regardless of shared experience and struggle. There exists a dichotomy between the refugee’s forging of a new identity that corresponds with their new home in Lebanon and the ever-present longing that exists for refugees towards their own homeland in which they did not exist as the “other”. While Darwish feels connected to his new home in Lebanon to the point of willingly fighting alongside his native Lebanese peers, he is confronted by individuals who attempt to isolate refugees like himself from the Lebanese collective identity. In a conversation with a friend’s wife of Christian background, Darwish recalls the women asking why he and his people will not leave Lebanon and return back to their place of origin. The narrator answers, explaining to the wife that they are unable to return to their homelands but have chosen to fight alongside the Lebanese, prompting the wife to inquire, “Why don’t you stay in the Arab countries and fight from there?” to which he says, “They said to us what you’re saying now. They kicked us out. And here we are, fighting along with the Lebanese in defense of Beirut and our very existence” (40). The narrator, despite his refugee status, feels that in times of war, all victims must form an insulated community of resistance regardless of national identity. This sentiment is not shared by this women, to whom believes the refugee population does not have a place within the collective identity of those who are suffering. This conversation is symbolic of the conflicting views of the narrator who believes in the necessity of a collective resistance that is blind to identity differences and the view of a portion of those within Lebanon who continue to discriminate against other members of the resistance despite shared suffering. The inclusion of this woman in the narrative additionally serves the function of creating a sameness amongst victims. Despite the plethora of different identities (be they religious or national) human suffering in war is universal. This women is of Christian background, her husband is a secular Lebanese man, and the narrator is a Muslim male, and yet all three are having this conversation while the very question of their existence is at stake with the relentless bombings outside. This woman’s husband mirrors this theme in his attempt to persuade his wife, described by the narrator as, “In vain does her husband, whose past is secular, try to convince her that the Israelis don’t love Lebanon and aren’t there to defend it, and that just one rocket from their jets can turn all of us sitting in this apartment, Muslim and Maronite alike, into ground meat” (39). Darwish is acutely aware of futility of minimizing the conflict to one that is based on identity alone, as he understands that the drones in the sky blindly destroy and murder, regardless of identity. Darwish, as a manifestation of the greater refugee population, is able to see beyond ethnic, national, religious identity differences and serves as an advocate for unity amongst victims, regardless of individual background. Beirut itself is attributed a deeper symbolic meaning as the meeting place of refugees from destinations worldwide who are united by a search for a land to call their own.
It is not the city of Beirut specifically that holds the greater meaning for these individuals, but instead the concept of a temporary home in the face of exile. While these refugees hold ties to their native countries, they have come together under the umbrella of a foreign land and form a newly established union. Darwish finds comfort and asserts this idea of a cohesive refugee population that is established when people are expelled from their homelands and desperately seek acceptance in a new location. The narrator explains, “I don’t know Beirut, and I don’t know if I love or don’t love it. For the political refugee, there is a chair that can’t be changed or replaced” (92). Darwish interchangeably uses the pronoun “I” and the vague “the political refugee”, thus integrating himself with this larger population of refugees. This refugee population is ambivalent about Beirut itself, as they still maintain ties to their home countries and where they move is merely a temporary refuge. Despite this, the necessity of rooting oneself geographically after exile and the difficulties that accompany this process are principle concerns for all refugees alike, regardless of identity, which creates a shared struggle and story amongst this collective
group. The transient nature of Darwish’s journey and the complications that accompany it are representative of the difficulties of the refugee lifestyle. The ongoing struggle of the refugee collective is further illustrated by the narrator who explains, “Here the number of aliens increased, and refugee camps got bigger. A war went by, then two, three, and four…They brought their identity back into being, re-created the homeland, and followed their path, only to have it blocked by the guardians of civil wars. They defended their steps, by then path parted from path, the orphan lived in the skin of the orphan, and one refugee camp went into another” (89). Here again, the narrator makes blanket statements about refugees, thus generalizing the plight of refugees as common and not determined by individual identification. The struggles of the refugees go beyond surface survival from warfare but instead this group must endure a lifetime fight for acceptance in rotating places they must learn to call home. To Darwish, “othering” people who are struggling through similar issues by classifying the conflict as identity-based is both detrimental and inaccurate. The love connection and nature of the conversations between the narrator, a Muslim male, and a Jewish women further illustrates the author’s resistance against identity based hatred in times of conflict. These two individuals are assumed by the external world to automatically be enemies because of their identity differences alone in the context of this war, yet instead forge a relationship despite expectations. The absurdity of a modern day conflict with roots in biblical times is made apparent in a conversation between these two individuals in which the woman asks, “Do you love me?” to which Darwish responds, “No. I don’t love you. Did you know that your mother, Sarah, drove my mother, Hagar, into the desert” (124)? The woman continues, asking, “Am I to blame then? Is it for that you don’t love me?” to which Darwish rebuts, “No. You’re not to blame; and because of that I don’t love you. Or, I love you. My dear, my beautiful, my queen! It’s now five thirty in the morning, and I must get back to them” (124). As a western, secular reader, the concept of a biblical event that occurred so far in the remote past having any tangible effect on a modern day relationship seems outlandish. The enduring connection between these two individuals regardless of the reality that she is Jewish and he is Muslim negates the argument of equating the “other” with the enemy, which in turn makes it impossible to minimize the complexity of the conflict to simply identity driven. In a war that is defined by cross-identity violence (Jewish against Arab, Arab against Arab) and during which individuals from different backgrounds are able to form friendships and romantic connections despite external assumptions of the other being the enemy, identity differences become less important than baseline survival, comradery, and collective victimhood in the face of incomprehensible violence. As Beirut burned with the influx of bombs and violence, so too did the prospect of a new homeland for people of all places of origin and their memories of their past. These refugees migrated to Lebanon to seek refuge, bringing with them their memories and ties to their national identity. As a marked attempt to refute the common idea of the invasion of Lebanon being entirely an identity driven conflict, Darwish asserts the idea that, with the impending possibility of death, when bombers are destroying everything familiar and the horrors of war become unimaginable, identity distinctions become irrelevant and a collective identity is forged regardless of place of origin. While armed conflict exists as the ultimate source of destruction, novel collective identity is able to be built out of necessity of survival that unifies populations of individuals of different origin. It is only with this recognized shared struggle that individuals can see past bias and discrimination and come together for a common goal: survival. Collective action breeds productive resistance and exists as a tool to combat a specific type of oppression which relies on the disunity of individuals stifled by internal identity discrimination.
Critics have already begun a heated debate over the success of the book that has addressed both its strengths and weaknesses. The debate may rage for a few years but it will eventually fizzle out as the success of the novel sustains. The characters, plot, emotional appeal, and easily relatable situations are too strong for this book to crumble. The internal characteristics have provided a strong base to withstand the petty attacks on underdeveloped metaphors and transparent descriptions. The novel does not need confrontations with the Middle East to remain a staple in modern reading, it can hold its own based on its life lessons that anyone can use.
On November 29, 1947, the United Nations voted for a partition resolution that led to the establishment of the nation of Israel in May, 1948. This was great news for Jews in Palestine and the diaspora as it meant the fulfillment of the quest for the rebirth of their nation in their previous homeland after many years of wandering (Pappe, 2006, p. 12). However, their Palestinian Arab counterparts opposed to the establishment from the start felt cheated by the international community and remained categorical that the final answer to the Jewish problem would only be solved in blood and fire (Karsh, 2002, p. 8).
According to the 1951 Refugee Convention, refugee is a term applied to anyone who is outside his/her own country and cannot return due to the fear of being persecuted on the basis of race, religion, nationality, membership of a group or political opinion. Many “refugees” that the media and the general public refer to today are known as internally displaced persons, which are people forced to flee their homes to avoid things such as armed conflict, generalized violations of human rights or natural and non-natural disasters. These two groups are distinctly different but fall ...
In an article published by the Palestine-Israel Journal, it spoke about a survey done of Palestinian living conditions in parts of their homeland, including West Bank and Gaza Strip. The findings of the survey provided insight of the Palestinians constant war against unbelievers. The article stated, “In examining social change in Palestinian society, it was found that a high level of social integration exists together with a low level of social advancement. And the economic disadvantages of prolonged occupation with restrictions on movement and unexpected curfews and closures have created an environment of uncertainty and an inability to plan ahead of time for individual, family and group
Edward Said “States” refutes the view Western journalists, writers, and scholars have created in order to represent Eastern cultures as mysterious, dangerous, unchanging, and inferior. According to Said, who was born in Jerusalem at that time Palestine, the way westerners represent eastern people impacts the way they interact with the global community. All of this adds to, Palestinians having to endure unfair challenges such as eviction, misrepresentation, and marginalization that have forced them to spread allover the world. By narrating the story of his country Palestine, and his fellow countrymen from their own perspective Said is able to humanize Palestinians to the reader. “States” makes the reader feel the importance of having a homeland, and how detrimental having a place to call home is when trying to maintain one’s culture. Which highlights the major trait of the Palestinian culture: survival. Throughout “States”, Said presents the self-preservation struggles Palestinians are doomed to face due to eviction, and marginalization. “Just as we once were taken from one habitat to a new one we can be moved again” (Said 543).
One of the major issues between Palestinians and the Israelis is the unresolved issue of Palestinians not having an independent homeland. The Palestinians will continue to resist Israel until they have obtained a land of their own separate from Israel. In 1947, the United Nation proposed a Partition Plan that would separate the land between the Jews and the Arabs. The Arabs turned the United Nation down, even though that would have resulted in them gaining their own land. In return the Jews decided to declare their own independent state, Israel. After declaring its self an independent state a war broke out between Israel and Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Palestinian, and Iraq. During the...
Although “Araby” is a fairly short story, author James Joyce does a remarkable job of discussing some very deep issues within it. On the surface it appears to be a story of a boy's trip to the market to get a gift for the girl he has a crush on. Yet deeper down it is about a lonely boy who makes a pilgrimage to an eastern-styled bazaar in hopes that it will somehow alleviate his miserable life. James Joyce’s uses the boy in “Araby” to expose a story of isolation and lack of control. These themes of alienation and control are ultimately linked because it will be seen that the source of the boy's emotional distance is his lack of control over his life.
Gordon’s essays confirms that the Diaspora experience is a pivotal identity marker for the ‘true Israel’ in the Zionist view. As we have seen, the Diaspora experience is only ideological, not historical, as the experience was unlikely to have been as negative as represented by Gordon.
In Mahmoud Darwish’s “Identity Card,” a Palestinian confronts Israeli border guards and orders them to take his claims and “put them on record.” He is tired and angry about the injustice and exile of Palestinians from Israeli government. With each stanza, the speaker provides new pieces of information about his background, about his family, and makes wholehearted statements about his rights as a Palestinian citizen.
The beat-up Arab minivan slowed tentatively under the scrutinizing gaze of the Israeli soldier on duty. The routine was simple. About halfway between Damascus Gate in East Jerusalem and Ramallah, the West Bank commercial center, the driver, blaring Arabic music on his radio, maneuvered around the dusty slabs of concrete that composed the Beit Haninah Checkpoint. He waited for a once-over by the Hebrew-speaking 18-year-old and permission to continue. Checkpoints-usually just small tin huts with a prominent white and blue Israeli flag-have become an integral and accepted part of Palestinian existence under Israeli occupation. But for me, a silent passenger in the minivan, each time we entered the no man's land between Israeli territory and the West Bank, my hea...
"Syrian refugees in Lebanon still suffering." The Economist. N.p., 30 Oct 2014. Web. 20 Jan "The Refugees." New York Times 5 September 2013, n. pag. Print.
When Yasser Arafat addressed the United Nations General Assembly, he tried to articulate the actions the Palestinian Liberation Organization had taken and to justify those actions. Arafat points out that the struggles with Imperialism and Zionism began in 1881 when the first large wave of immigrants began arriving in Palestine. Prior to this date, the Muslims, Jews (20,000) and Christians all cohabitated peacefully (pop. 1/2 million). In 1917, the Belfour Declaration authorized increased immigration of European Jews to Palestine. 1 From 1917 to 1947, the Jewish population in Palestine increased to 600,000 and they rightfully owned only 6% of the Palestinian arable land. Palestine population at this time was now up to 1,250,000. 1
...estinians. The indigenous Arab population of Palestine has been systematically discriminated against since the Balfour Declaration in 1917, which created Israel for the Jews at the expense of a native population, which has been denied its own nationhood and become dispossessed, marginalized people (Beginners).”
All refugee’s lives get turned inside out while they are going through the movements of grieving, moving to get into their new country, and finding how to feel safe in their new home. Everyone just wants to feel safe, some just have to move to become safe. Others have to fight their way through it for a better life. Although, when some move it does not get better right away because many people are discriminated. But all the same, refugee’s lives get turned inside out while they are going through the movements of grieving, moving to get into their new country, and finding how to feel safe in their new home. When refugee’s finally feel safe in their new home, they adapt to their prior customs. All refugee’s go through something similar. People from different countries may have different struggles at first. But at the end of the day, both of their lives turn, “Inside Out and Back