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Social movement thesis
Social movement thesis
Social movement thesis
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Transnational Networks of Support for the Zapatista Rebellion
Globalization, the term used to describe the dominant framework of international relations following the cold war, is affecting many aspects of politics and social experience. This is seen in the Zapatista rebellion and movement in Chiapas, Mexico that has benefited from globalization and transnational support. This paper examines the relationship of transnationalism and social movements with the Zapatistas as a case study. In particular, this paper argues that the Zapatistas are part of the anti-globalization cycle of protest. As a result, they have used the master frame of this cycle of protest and aligned that frame in light of their particular situation. Because this frame was resonant with transnational activists a network of support was formed, which pressures the government from above, increasing the chances of success of a movement. The paper concludes by examining the implications of the Zapatistas for social movement research, with particular regard for Tarrow’s “strong thesis” about movements in a transnational era
While the roots of the Zapatista movement stretch well back, the rebellion entered the public’s consciousness on 1 January 1994 when several thousand indigenous Mexicans, mostly Mayans, wearing ski-masks and carrying antiquated rifles and wooden sticks briefly seized several major urban centres in Chiapas, Mexico before withdrawing under pressure from the Mexican military. A cease-fire was declared on 12 January and since then the two sides have not directly fought one another.
Since the cessation of hostilities, the rebellion has essentially transformed into a social movement.[1] The transformation was capped by a march on Mexico City March 2001 in which a caravan of Zapatistas, protected by the Mexican government, moved from Chiapas throughout Mexico to a climax in the zocalo in Mexico City. Subcomandante Marcos, the spokesman and de facto leader of the movement, addressed a huge rally and other comandantes addressed the Mexican Congress. Many observers compared this moment to Martin Luther King’s “I Have a Dream” speech during the American civil rights movement. (Klein 2001)
Since the beginning of this movement/rebellion, the Zapatistas have demonstrated a unique ability to attract support from activists outside of Mexico. I refer to this support as transnational because it is rooted in no particular territory and spans much of the developed world.
Miguel Melendez’s book, “We Took the Streets” provides the reader with an insightful account into the activities of the Young Lords movement established in the latter years of the 1960s and remained active up until the early seventies. The book’s, which is essentially Melendez’s memoir, a recollection of the events, activities, and achievements of the Young Lords. The author effectively presents to the reader a fascinating account of the formation of the Young Lords which was a group of college students from Puerto Rico who came together in a bid to fight for some of the basic rights. As Melendez sums it up, “You either claim your history or lose authority over your future” (Melendez 23). The quote is in itself indicative of the book’s overall
These events are of course, an accurate reflection of what similar groups were going through in other parts of the country such as Texas, California, Arizona and New Mexico, which have been historically highly populated by Hispanics as well. One of the advantages of the video is that viewers are able to listen to first hand accounts of leaders and participants of this important social movement in Colorado. It is especially touching to see and hear Dr. Priscilla Falcon’s recollection of events when she was informed of her husband’s assassination. No doubt, the actions of leaders such as Ricardo Falcon, Corky Gonzales, Lalo Delgado, and Juanita Herrera greatly improved working conditions as well as education opportunities for Chicanos not only in Colorado, but throughout the United
Barr. Cesar Chavez put a quote about Martin Luther King Jr. “Letter from Birmingham Jail” which give the message to the reader that Cesar Chavez had no intentions of having a rebellion but to just exposed of the injustice that it was given to the immigrant workers because by exposing those inequalities to the union is when it can be cured since it was done before. It also tries to explain to the reader that they will not give up on getting equal right for the people because Cesar Chavez stated that “They have been under the gun, they have been kicked and beaten and herded by dogs” this shows to the audience that the people of Cesar Chavez will not give up even if there are gun pointed into their heads. It also stated into the “Letter of Delano” that “Time accomplishes for the poor what money does for the rich” what this is trying to say and what it is trying to reach for the audience is that even if the immigrants are poor and they can’t afford not to work they are willing to do it because with that time they were getting prepared, prepared for what it was coming in the nest years to come they had a
In Pocho, Rubio could not identify with any group because he didn’t want to be categorized. In fact, Rubio didn’t have a hard time fitting in with the Pachucos or queers. Although, Rubio seemed understanding about other peoples chooses he ultimately decided to identify as American. This was seen when Rubio joined the Army, as a means to escape his reality. Another theme presented was in regards to fighting social inequalities. This ultimately led to Chicano protest, which became essential to the Civil Rights Movements. The strong will of these Chicano/a activists were similar to Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzalez and his “Crusade for Justice”. The film “Quest for Homeland” acknowledged Gonzalez as an important figure for the Chicano Movement because he inspired people to demand for equality. Even though the Chicano Movement had a tragic ending with the death of Ruben Salazar, Chicanos made their voices heard. Similarly, the Chicano walkouts were the beginning of “consciousness”. For instance Castro mentions, “Chicano’s have long been sleeping giants” he continues by stating looks like we woke up”. This shows that students living in these areas were oblivious to their ability of obtaining a higher
The Russian and Mexican revolution’s differed in the ideas they adopted but they were similar in the way they met their goals and started their uprisings. The Russian revolution was made with the goal to create an egalitarian government that was based off of Karl Marx’s socialism principles. In short, t...
...n, Gonzalez states his identity; "I am Aztec Prince and Christian Christ." This combination of culture is the basis of his poem, which can be found at http://www.pbs.org/chicano/joaquin.html, and is representative of the heritage of Mexican Americans. The concept of Aztlan is explained in Chicano!, and the mural ‘Corazon de Aztlan,’ found in Chicano Park (http://chicanopark.org/murals/north/n8.html ), reinforces the importance of this image in the lives of Chicanos. The myth of Aztlan symbolizes centuries of culture and struggles of Mexican Americans who went through incredibly difficult times throughout history, but never lost hope and always stayed strong, determined to one day be treated equally as citizens of the United States of America.
In 1910, Francisco Madero, a son of wealthy plantation owners, instigated a revolution against the government of president Díaz. Even though most of his motives were political (institute effective suffrage and disallow reelections of presidents), Madero's revolutionary plan included provisions for returning seized lands to peasant farmers. The latter became a rallying cry for the peasantry and Zapata began organizing locals into revolutionary bands, riding from village to village, tearing down hacienda fences and opposing the landed elite's encroachment into their villages. On November 18, the federal government began rounding up Maderistas (the followers of Francisco Madero), and only forty-eight hours later, the first shots of the Mexican Revolution were fired. While the government was confide...
Froster, Cindy. The Time of Freedom Campesino Workers in Guatemala's October Revolution. Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press, 2001.
The history of political instability in Mexico and its need for revolution is very complex and dates back to the colonization of Mexico by the Spaniards in the 1500s. However, many aspects of the social situation of Mexico when the Revolution broke out can be attributed to the thirty-year dictatorship of President Porfrio Diaz, prior to 1911. The Revolution began in November of 1910 in an effort to overthrow the Diaz dictatorship. Under the Diaz presidency, a small minority of people, primarily relatives and friends, were in ...
The Chicano Movement, like many other civil rights movements, gained motivation from the everyday struggles that the people had to endure in the United States due to society. Mexican-Americans, like many other ethnicities, were viewed as an inferior group compared to white Americans. Mexican-Americans sought to make a change with the Chicano Movement and “the energy generated by the movement focused national attention on the needs of Mexican-Americans” (Bloom 65). The Mexican-American Movement had four main issues that it aimed to resolve and they ranged from “restoration of la...
“Transnational Activism and Global Transformations: The Anti-Apartheid and Abolitionist Experiences” a study conducted by Audie Klotz looks to transnational activism as a social movement to encourage the formation of new socioeconomic systems and overall global transformation. Klotz draws upon two major historical events where transnational activism was relatively successful: the abolitionist movement following the civil war and the contemporary civil unrest in South Africa brought on by the apartheid. Klotz turns to these social movements as critical transnational participants that provide socioeconomic and political changes globally by means of massive mobilization.
...interrelated through sociological concepts. The capitalists (US) wanted to maintain their power over the proletariat (South America) because of its resources (petroleum, natural gas). In this struggle for power, social institutions (government, media) looked for ways to influence people to serve their interests. Being aware of the inequality among them, the South Americans were prompted to form a social movement towards change through reforms and the exercise of democracy.
Women have the wonderful ability to bring a new life into this world and are granted maternity leave, a certain amount of time after birth to be away from the labor force. However, maternity leave was not always available to women because of the low levels of employed and educated females. In 1978 changing gender norms and increased female labor involvement influenced the passing of the Pregnancy Discrimination Act prohibiting employment discrimination of women due to pregnancy (Smith, Downs, and O’Connell 3). After this legislation, a higher percentage of women in the United States were not only educated but also employed. In 1987, a critical Supreme Court case (California Federal Savings and Loan Association v. Guerra) in California defined
"At some point, things that are predetermined are admitted into consciousness” (Haynes). This studies reveals that fact that although we may be unaware the notion of free will is prevalent throughout everyday life in the actions we believe we choose to do.
Humans enjoy choices. Whether the decision is putting on a coat in the morning or participating in an exhilarating activity like skydiving, every decision starts with the ability to make a choice. That ability to decide reflects a state of free will. Free will tells us we are essentially is in charge of our choices. Fate guides those who have no control over their choices. While the origin of fate and free will remain a mystery, these ideas can be traced back for centuries and found in our daily lives: in our code of ethics, politics, and religions. Kurt Vonnegut wrestles with the coexistence of fate and free will, ultimately arguing fate dominantes.