Historians have neglected to study the impact of labouring classes as agents of change in early modern Edinburgh, and generally in early modern Scotland. Society is seen as stable and tranquil in this period, but there is a growing body of evidence of a higher incidence of riots and other symptoms of social conflict than what it was believed to be. In his chapter in the article, Whatley explores and analyses the first seventy years of the eighteenth century in search of small outbreaks throughout the country of Scotland: ‘the social and political significance of the popularly supported disorder in the first four decades of the century has been both underestimated and imperfectly understood.’ (Whatley, 144). Those protests were not large-scale, …show more content…
and the social order was not actually at risk, but the higher classes had to take a step back and let the crowd get away with their actions, since they felt threatened. ‘The maintenance of order was dependent on a continuing accommodation with the common people’ (Whatley, 145). In this essay, the focus will be placed in three important crowd-driven events: the dispute between Episcopalian and Presbyterian, the collective resistance to the Treaty of Union, and the Porteous riot. ‘Collective violence allowed ordinary men and women to participate in religious debates’ (Raffe, 208). This opportunity to partake in those arguments led to Presbyterian groups questioning whether the Episcopalian ministers were legitimate or not. The whole Episcopalian settlement was challenged. ‘As Gilbert Burnet remarked in 1674, Archbishop Leighton was “in an utter incapacity to carry on the service of God in the Church, for as parishes fall vacant, the incumbents he sends to them are beaten and stoned away’ (Raffe, 214) Later on, the same happened all the way around, with Episcopalian crowds rejecting Presbyterian ministers. Protests expressed the traditional values of the community, which through these same disturbances was left more unified than previously. ‘By participating in riots, therefore, men and women reinforced their commitment to the Episcopalian clergy and forms of worship repudiated by the Presbyterians’ (Raffe, 231). The main confessional groups in Scotland considered that crowd violence was an appropriate response to an illegitimate Church. Hostile crowds removed the clergy and their families from their homes. ‘Whichever confessional group was on the receiving end, collective protests allowed ordinary people to assert their influence, express their religious identities and advocate controversial views. It is for these reasons that crowd violence was such a central dimension of the culture of controversy.’ (Raffe, 233) The Treaty of Union of 1707 was controversial from start to finish. Worried about the interests of the individual, walkouts were organised, pamphlets and publications were distributed, sermons and speeches were preached throughout the country. The objective was to ‘defeat the treaty with negative public attention’ (Bowie, 138) Most of these actions were, however, considered as illegal and dangerous by part of Parliament. In spite of the illegitimate status of some of these actions, they pressured the government to take action and modify some aspects of the treaty to calm the crowds. ‘The effect of these crowd events on the union debates was significant in combination with further collective activities organised by Country party leaders from Edinburgh’ (Bowie, 146) With every article passed, the crowd became angrier. ‘Stones were thrown at the duke of Queensberry’s coach as it left Parliament Court […] the rioters managed to injure one of the duke’s servants and made his horses gallop off at an undignified speed’ (Bowie, 141). To end protests and violent actions as the ones mentioned above, the government passed several laws to prevent crowds from gathering legally, so they were risking themselves to be sent to prison if they decided to meet despite the illegality of the reunion. All efforts on a unitary movement to stop the treaty were spoiled by secret agents who provided the government with information in exchange of money: John Ker of Kersland convinced the Cameronians not to ally with the Jacobites; John Pierce convinced the Hebronites not to rise with the Jacobites. Nonetheless, the public action was not completely useless, as some amendments were done to adjust the treaty to better suit the needs and demands of the people regarding the three main concerns of the Scottish peoples: the security of the Church, taxation under the union, and the loss of the Scottish crown. The amendments included acts to secure ‘the Presbyterian Church in union, […] an adjustment to the excise on Scots ale and tax exemptions for domestic salt and malt, […] that the Scottish crown, sceptre and sword of state be kept in Scotland after the union’ (Bowie, 157). Collective resistance was debilitated by the division of the opposition to the treaty because of violence, but still succeeded in imposing the popular opinion and making way for their petitions and concerns to the governors, who were disconnected from the governed. The Porteous riot is another case of justice for the people by the people that was achieved through crowd violence and collective resistance.
Captain Porteous was the Capitan of the City Guard of Edinburgh. He was ‘bad tempered and violent, […] a drunkard and a fornicator, […] he abused his wife and aged parents, […] fawned on the great and bullied the defenceless’ (Dickinson and Logue, 22). The relationship between the people of Edinburgh and Captain Porteous was not a good one, and it became worse after the 14th of April 1736. That day was the execution of local man Andrew Wilson. He had been condemned to be executed after he robbed an excise officer about £200 with two other men, one of which betrayed him to save himself and told the authorities that Wilson had been involved, and the other managed to escape. Wilson had friends in the city, as well as sympathisers who did not like the way the English had imposed their customs since the Union, furthermore with the taxes in malt and, therefore, ale. Most of the population considered the execution to be an excessive penalty, and some even considered the crime a justified theft. After his execution, when the executioner was making sure Wilson was dead, a few stones were thrown at the executioner, one of which hit him in the face and cut him. More stones were thrown, and the crowd started to be agitated, and the soldiers overreacted. Captain Porteous lost his temper and ‘[grabbed] a musket from one of the guards and [fired] it directly at the crowd, killing one of them. He then apparently ordered his men to open fire.’ (Dickinson and Logue, 23) Three onlookers were killed and twelve were wounded. Some people on the crowd angrily harassed the guards, who fired once again, killing three more people. Three months later, there was a trial for Captain Porteous, to cool the temper of the people of Edinburgh. He was condemned to be executed on the 8th of September 1736, charged with murder. No other guard was brought to
trial. The authorities in London considered that Porteous had been ‘sacrificed to the fury of the mob’ (Dickinson and Logue, 25). The 2nd of September a royal command arrived to postpone the execution six months. The 7th of September, however, a disciplined force of four thousand people had a different plan. They entered the prison, the fifteen guards were no match for the crowd, and lynched Captain Porteous. Despite the large numbers of people involved, no one could be blamed for the lynch for an absence of evidence. In London, the House of Lords intended to pass a bill to imprison the mayor of Edinburgh for a year. The House of Commons opposed on the grounds that the bill was ‘a fundamental attack on the liberties of a parliamentary constituency and a threat to the balanced constitution’ (Dickinson and Logue, 36). The government passed an act which offered £200 to anyone who had any information on the culprits, but the unity and solidarity did not break, and no one came forward with any information on the culprits. ‘Faced with this kind of resistance […] the administration could only retire’ (Dickinson and Logue, 37). And thus, the people of Edinburgh won. In conclusion, Edinburgh specifically and Scotland in general are wrongly believed to have been a peaceful land with no important instances of collective resistance during the early modern period. Nevertheless, the examples shown above, the Episcopalian and Presbyterian conflict, the crowd violence involved in the Treaty of Union and the Porteous riot, are simply some of the multiple cases. ‘Food riots, for example, broke out in various places as prices rose in Scotland in 1699, 1709-10, 1720, 1727, 1740-41, 1756-57, 1763, 1767, 1771-74, 1778 and 1783 - even 1794-96’ (Whatley, 171). The power of the crowd achieved some features that maybe were not large-scale, but still were accomplishments to be taken into account when understanding the history of Edinburgh and Scotland. The most important aspects of everyday life can be seen through the protests, since they reflect the values of the time, being religion, the Honours of Scotland, their relationship to England, and justice among the most remarkable ones.
In May of 1992, performer and dramatist Anna Deavere Smith was appointed to compose a one-lady execution piece about the encounters, sentiments, and pressures that added to and were exacerbated by the 1992 Los Angeles riots. For her work, Smith met more than 200 inhabitants of Los Angeles amid the season of the uproar. Her script comprises totally of the genuine expressions of individuals from the Los Angeles group as they ponder their encounters encompassing the Los Angeles riots. As Smith depicted in the prologue to her play, Twilight, which she later distributed as a book, "I am first searching for the humanness inside the issues, or the crises." She strived to keep up a wide assortment of points of view, talking individuals from all kinds of different backgrounds:
Beer, Barrett L. Rebellion and Riot: Popular Disorder in England during the reign of Edward VI (1982).
Gary B. Nash argues that the American Revolution portrayed “radicalism” in the sense on how the American colonies and its protesters wanted to accommodate their own government. Generally what Gary B. Nash is trying to inform the reader is to discuss the different conditions made by the real people who were actually fighting for their freedom. In his argument he makes it clear that throughout the revolution people showed “radicalism” in the result of extreme riots against the Stamp Act merchants, but as well against the British policies that were implemented. He discusses the urgency of the Americans when it came to declaring their issues against the British on how many slaves became militants and went up against their masters in the fight
In the winter of 1786-1787, many farmers protesting the foreclosure of their farms took up arms and stormed county courthouses across Massachusetts. All over New England, there existed a growing frustration with the American postwar situation under the Articles of Confederation. Massachusetts farmers’ disconnection from the Boston government rendered the situation more volatile than anywhere else. “Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Vermont instituted harsh laws to stem the growth of insurrection. But inland Massachusetts was so heavily agrarian that the rebellion gathered steam.”[2] Backcountry farmers banded together in mobs of up to one thousand men and marched to different cities, rioting in front of prominent shops and courthouses in order to make their frustrations heard.
In 1917, Houston, Texas was placed under martial law. The Houston Riot of 1917, or the Camp Logan Riot, was a mutiny by 156 African American soldiers of the Third Battalion of the all-black Twenty-fourth United States Infantry Regiment. The riot only lasted for one night, but it resulted in the deaths of four soldiers and sixteen civilians. In the days to follow, a total of nineteen people would be executed and forty-one were given life sentences.
Mob violence was a persuasive feature of the Revolutionary War in every port city, particularly Boston. These mobs, which were often described as motley crews, were central to protests and ultimately played a dominant role in significant events leading up to the American Revolution. Throughout the years, leading up to the American Revolution, many Americans were growing tired of British rule and thus begun to want to break free from Britain and earn their own independence. Some of these Americans, out of anger, madness, and in defense of their rights, began terrorizing towns, sometimes even to the point of paralysis highlighting grievances and concerns that the common man couldn’t say with mere words. These groups would then be absorbed into a greater organization called the Sons of Liberty. With the use of violence and political strategy , these radicals defending their rights, struck terror into anyone opposing them but also carried out communal objectives ultimately pushing for change which was a central theme for the American Revolution. It will be proved that these men through their actions not only were the driving force behind resistance but also proved to be the men who steered America toward revolution.
“.the frightened soldiers fired into the crowd.” (Doc 3). As a result of this incident, three people were killed on the scene and two were mortally wounded. The soldiers were also ordered not to fire. The colonists did not think that they should have been shot at or killed, this infuriated them.
What were the causes of the prison riots in the 1990`s and how effective was the government response?
Public conflict may be triggered by several causes. For one, it may result from the agitation of several groups who believe that what is morally right is violated. Despite the reason behind, agitators seek to challenge the society so that their proposal for social change is accepted. Hence, it is important to understand the reasons why agitators use different strategies to advance their cause and how establishments can control them. For the purposes of this paper, the Boston Tea Party will be analyzed in light of the concept of agitation and establishment. Further, the strategies of the agitators and the establishment will also be provided.
When communication breaks down, dissent has no way to grow. Throughout the latter half of the seventeenth century the Chesapeake elite, when forced to, found ways to effectively silence rebellions by cutting the cords of communication amongst the lower classes. The wealthy planters simply undervalued the cooperation between the “dangerous rabble” that was slaves, servants, and poor freeman. Transitioning a labor system works best when people are left without knowledge or ways to communicate. Had the unifying forces between the servant, slaves, and poor freeman been severed earlier, Bacon’s Rebellion may never have occurred. This cooperation left a region polarized for nearly half a century, but it also set a proper example for a much more famous uprising nearly a century later.
The frequency of popular protest and rebellion in Early Modern England offers an insight into the nature of the social relations people maintained. P. Clark refers to the repetition of rebellion and popular protest as being ‘a recurrent phenomenon’ which spread throughout Europe in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth century. This implies that people thought there was a necessary cause to act in such a way, believing that change was possible to address their grievances. Additionally, Andy Wood further emphasises the ideology of the repetitive nature of popular protest and rebellion through the existence of a ‘shared tradition of popular protest’. This implies that there was a continuation in the motivations of those who chose to rebel. Many of the
Though Americans have done their best to uphold the ideals and promises that this country was founded upon, there have been times when these principles were abandoned. Throughout America’s history, Jefferson’s ideals have been violated. “Succumbing to bad advice and popular opinion, President Roosevelt signed an executive order in February 1942 ordering the relocation of all Americans of Japanese ancestry to concentration camps in the interior of the United States.” During this time, Japanese-Americans were stripped of their rights, forcing them out of their homes and treating them horribly in ‘concentration camps.’ Despite many of these Japanese-Americans posing no threat or possibility of allegiance to Japan they were ostracized; treated
The characteristics of a group are determined by its elements. The mob that stormed the Bastille on July 14th, 1789 was a group of citizens that were fierce, enraged, and blood-thirsty. To the people of Paris, the Bastille was a symbol of brutality and totalitarian power. It was hated because of the many stories that had emerged from its walls of horrible torture and brutality. To the people of Paris who stormed the Bastille, the prison which was the symbol of the absolute monarchy which France had been suffering under for so long. They were tired of being treated unfairly and not having a voice in most of the political affairs during the time period. They wanted "life, liberty, fraternity" and were determined to fulfill their wishes of a fair ruling system by means of force or agreement. Unfortunately, citizens had to resort to the use of force to gain what the felt lacked.
England in the nineteen-thirties was a very bleak and dark time for the working class and unemployed citizens. In The Road to Wigan Pier, George Orwell, describes the overlooked injustices that happened in in Northern British industrial towns. Orwell depicts his experiences and views on social class and English society. The book is an eye-opener to the challenging hardships that many of the working class gentry faced during the years of the depression; Things such as, horrible housing, social injustices, and a lack of consideration from the government. The primary focus of part one, was to inform the middle class people that the unemployed were victims or a corrupt society, government, and economy.
This may be reflective of violent attacks carried out by Irish nationalists during the Fenian rising of 1867 and the increasing level of agrarian unrest and riots that followed the foundation of the Irish National Land League (Clark, 420) and so here there may be further evidence for Le Fanu’s use of the theme of displacement.