INTRODUCTION
The constitution that ratifies the state of Jaipan will be built on the foundations that influenced the political philosophy of Ghandism. Progressive in the nature of encompassing transparency within layers of bureaucracy to maintain a consciousness of equality within society- libertarian socialism, social anarchy and Ghandism illustrates; “Without the principle of peace and strategy, politics has always embellished into banks of violent protest through all pillars of society.” (Huttenback, 1971, p.46)
Integrating with the ethical principle of libertarian thinkers, the constitution of the state will provide political clarity to ensure a fair society. In turn, this begins to reinforce the principle of social anarchism within a state, ideologically outlined as; “We do not want to rob any one of his coat, but we wish to give to the workers all those things the lack of which makes them fall an easy prey to the exploiter.” (Kropotkin, 1990) The role of the social anarchism within the constitution will not be to promote anarchy, but to differentiate from total capitalist democracy and develop a system of governance where everyday decision-makers are mass society and not solely appointed individuals.
…show more content…
It will conclude with reasons behind articles and clauses within the constitution, validating the link between specific ideas and the political principles argued as the foundations of the constitution of Jaipan.
Preamble
WE, THE PEOPLE OF JAIPAN, having solemnly formed through democratic process to constitute Jaipan into a [SECULAR LIBERTARIAN SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY] and to secure the will off all its citizens:
1. Justice through transparency- social, economic and political;
2. Liberty of thought, expression, belief, and
In 1900 Britain was in many respects the world’s leading nation, enjoying a large share of world trade, a dominant position in the international money market, and possessing a far flung empire supported by the world’s most powerful navy. Japan was a complete contrast, sharing with Britain only the fact that it too was a nation of Islands lying off the shore of a major continent. Until the 1860s it had possessed a social and economic structure more akin to that of feudal, rather than twentieth century, Europe. By the 1990s, the positions were almost reversed. This paper sets out to examine the contrasting democratic political systems of the two nations and to explore the social and democratic consequences of the changes that have occurred.
Kyi Suu San Aung. "The Quest of Democracy." Reading The World: Ideas That Matter, edited
As a representative of the Algo ethnic group, I want to say that our people would like the new state to introduce a parliamentary system of governence. Parliamentarism is a system of government in which the head of government is elected by and accountable to a parliament or legislature. One could rightfully ask: What is our reasoning for desiring this? We think it is justified because in presidential systems the populace at large votes for a chief executive, who is the President, in a nation-wide election. This is revenant as the Algo comprises the minority of the population of the Republic of Jarth, which consists of only 1.1 million representatives in the whole state, compared to that of 2.9 million Randies, 3.8 million Dorfas and 2.2 million Takas living in the Republic of Jarth. One can reasonably assume that the outcome will most likely be that the cumulation of the majority’s vote will hinder the representation (in numbers) of the members of the minority in office. Subsequently, the Algo will have to live under the control of a leader from another ethnic group again, which the Algo members tremble at the thought of because we are proud of their ethnicity and do not wished to be shamed for it. On the other hand, in parliamentarism, the first step is an election of members of parliament, which are the political parties. This is imperative since it will allow the Algo to be able to choose the party we really share interests with....
Political violence is action taken to achieve political goals that may include armed revolution, civil strife, terrorism, war or other such activities that could result in injury, loss of property or loss of life. Political violence often occurs as a result of groups or individuals believing that the current political systems or anti-democratic leadership, often being dictatorial in nature, will not respond to their political ambitions or demands, nor accept their political objectives or recognize their grievances. Formally organized groups, Non-Government Organizations (NGOs), businesses and collectives of individual citizens are non-state actors, that being that they are not locally, nationally or internationally recognized legitimate civilian or military authorities. The Cotonou Agreement of 2000 defines non-state actors as being those parties belonging to the private sector, economic and social partners and civil society in all its forms according to national characteristics. Historical observation shows that nation states with political institutions that are not capable of, or that are resistant to recognizing and addressing societies issues and grievances are more likely to see political violence manifest as a result of disparity amongst the population. This essay will examine why non-state political violence occurs including root and trigger causes by looking at the motivations that inspire groups and individuals to resort to non-conforming behaviors that manifest as occurrences of non-state political violence. Using terrorism and Islamic militancy on the one side, and human rights and basic freedoms on the other as examples, it will look at these two primary kinds of political violence that are most prevalent in the world ...
In “State in Capitalist Society” approach, the key method to its development focused on a historical constitution, on "how state building is
Niccolo Machiavelli, John Locke, and John Stuart Mill present three distinct models of government in their works The Prince, Second Treatise of Government, and Utilitarianism. From an examination of these models it is possible to infer their views about human nature and its connection to the purpose of government. A key to comparing these views can be found in an examination of their ideas of morality as an intermediary between government and human nature. Whether this morality must be inferred from their writings or whether it is explicitly mentioned, it differs among the three in its definition, source, and purpose.
Society is flawed. There are critical imbalances in it that cause much of humanity to suffer. In, the most interesting work from this past half-semester, The Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx is reacting to this fact by describing his vision of a perfectly balanced society, a communist society. Simply put, a communist society is one where all property is held in common. No one person has more than the other, but rather everyone shares in the fruits of their labors. Marx is writing of this society because, he believes it to be the best form of society possible. He states that communism creates the correct balance between the needs of the individual and the needs of society. And furthermore thinks that sometimes violence is necessary to reach the state of communism. This paper will reflect upon these two topics: the relationship of the individual and society, and the issue of violence, as each is portrayed in the manifesto.
Philosophy can be defined as the highest level of clarity and understanding human thought can aspire to. In some ways, Plato’s Republic can be compared to George Orwell’s book 1984. It may seem strange to compare the two, however they are quite similar. Plato writes from the Western philosophy, while Orwell tells of a totalitarian society where all free thought is banned. However, the two versions of government, one being a utopian government, and the other being horrific, contain certain connections that will be made clear over the course of this paper.
The text clearly criticizes the capitalist system of governance and the consequences of social stratification due to mal-practices by the bourgeoisies. It also states that despite the cons, capitalism is highlighted as a revolutionary thought because the monarchical and religious powers have impinged in favor of this system overtime. These practices and
One of Locke’s broadest conclusions is his definition of the role of the state. He defines the states only real role is to ensure justice is done based on what he states are unalienable rights granted to all: life, liberty and the pursuit of estate. Because society has given birth to the state to defend these rights that define justice, society also grants legitimacy to the state. We see echoes of Locke’s theories manifested in societal archetypes like democracy and perhaps even certain anarchist theories.
Panem as a whole has some very basic deep root expectations of its citizens, all of which are very similar to totalitarian dictatorships and set it apart from present day America. They instill in their citizens a sense of national accomplishment, they feel that the populous “owes” them for being “merciful” and “saving them from the chaotic rulings of their past.” The state and not so much the citizens feel this accomplishment ...
The focus of this paper will be on criticizing the argument. He effectively explains what justifies the authority of the state by giving reasons that anarchy is better for autonomous nature of man. One might agree that the state can command an individual to obey the rule even if it is against the person’s moral beliefs. His argument, however, seems to undermine the
Martin Luther King Jr. once said that our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter. Americans complain relentlessly about the government and presidential candidates, but that is as far as it goes. When they are given the opportunity to enable a change, one that they cry out for, they meet the opportunity with reticence. They are supposedly so angry that it leads them to rebel in massive rebellions demonstrated by silence. The silence is not only restricted to noiselessness but rather it refers to “doing nothing.” However, what Americans fails to perceive, is that doing “nothing” is doing “something.” Consequently, silence is often the action that leads to destruction.
As discussed above, scholars’ attitudes towards self-determination correlate with their understanding about the link between self-determination and democracy. Intrinsically linked with the idea of democracy, self-determination was to correct the arbitrariness and injustices of dynastic rule. In theory, self-determination could be said to refer to the practice by which individuals freely express their political will by choosing their own government and, at this stage, a reference to nationalism appears by no means necessary. The problem arises when the principle of self-determination is put into practice (xxx, xxx).
In this essay I will explain about model of democracy in several point of view and also try to discuss about my hometown “Indonesia”. This essay discusses the extent to which the model of procedural democracy fits (and fails to fit) with the transition theory for explaining democratization and focusing to explain what is democracy? And what is democratization in general with several theories. Also there are explanation about democracy in Indonesia and the way Indonesia to democracy or democratization. Why am I taking Indonesia as my case study? Because in this country so many general election per period, from the bottom to the top position for instance from headman (village leader) to President. I think its really interesting talk about democracy in Indonesia. Moreover the democracy process in Indonesia have several amendments, its from different regimes had different policy. What we can see is from “Indonesia Constitution” there are several amendments on it about general election and also about governments.