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Essay on criticism of rawls theory of distributive justice
Rawls view on distributive justice
Essay on criticism of rawls theory of distributive justice
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J RAWLS, The Laws of Peoples-with the Idea of Public Reason Revisited, Harvard University Press: USA, 1999.
In his book “the Law of Peoples,” the principle idea of Rawls is of a particular “conception of Right and Justice that applies to the principles and norms of international law and practice.” Rawls puts the theory of how a “stable and politically just international legal order has to be constructed constructively among the democratic and decent societies which he calls the non-democratic societies.” He says the “People have their own internal government which can be constitutionally liberal democratic or non-liberal. The procedure followed before the principles of right and justice are selected and agreed upon is in some ways the
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According to Rawls, “Ideally and morally citizens recognize mutual domestic obligations towards one another, based on factors like those of war and depression, plus their recognition that no domestic resident could have a satisfactory life without the willing cooperation of the bulk of the others. Citizens come to rely on the reasonable idea that cooperation which is based on mutual concern and respect creates a form of political stability which morally justifies the state in at least a political …show more content…
“Those citizens who self-consciously come to recognize proper reciprocity towards others as citizens, particularly other citizens who are least-well-off, and who build towards a cooperative mutuality based on that recognition." There is an apparent distinction between traditional realist conceptions of nation-states and the Rawls’ nation-state. Rawls emphasizes states' "moral character, and the reasonably just nature of their regimes." His characterization becomes more forceful if we consider his two types of states, that is, the democracies and decent hierarchies. Rawls considers the just and democratic states in which a just democratic government must be effectively stable and also under its reasonable citizen's reflective control. Citizens are reasonable in that if they are concerned to live with others on fair terms. “They also understand that to be fair, the terms of cooperation must be ones that other free and equal persons can accept requires justice that leads citizens to the understanding of mutual obligations towards fellow-citizens.” It is an appropriate and morally necessary response to the requirements of justice. “Law of the peoples is developed for the purpose of addressing questions on Just war. Law of the People is accepted by many as it contain the principles of international law coexist with distinctively liberal concept of right and wrong
In his piece, “Human Dignity”, Francis Fukuyama explores the perception of human dignity in today's society. This perception is defined by what Fukuyama calls “Factor X”. This piece draws attention to how human dignity has been affected recently and its decline as we go into the future. Using the input given by the Dalai Lama in his piece, “Ethics and New Genetics”, the implementing of factor X and human dignity on future generations will be explored. Through the use of the pieces, “Human Dignity and Human Reproductive Cloning by Steven Malby, Genetic Testing and Its Implications: Human Genetics Researchers Grapple with Ethical Issues by Isaac Rabino, and Gender Differences in the Perception of Genetic Engineering Applied to Human Reproduction by Carol L. Napolitano and Oladele A. Ogunseitan, the decline on the amount of human dignity found in today's society as well as the regression in Factor X that can be found today compared to times past. Society's twist on ethics as a result of pop culture and an increase in genetic engineering has caused for the decline in the amount of dignity shown by the members of society and the regression of Factor X to take hold in today's society.
Here one might think Rawls has missed the point. For what is problematic about his liberalism, it might be argued, is that it will prove non-neutral in its effects on doctrines and ways of life permissible on its own account of political justice. But Rawls has not missed the point. Rawls’s liberalism does not rest on a commitment to the value of, nor does it require, a social world maximally diverse with respect to comprehensive doctrines or ways of life willing more or less to accept liberal principles of political justice. Of course, Rawls’s liberalism would be in serious trouble were it to lead to a social world only weakly diverse. But so long as Rawls’s liberalism permits a healthy degree of diversity, to claim that its non-neutral effect on some comprehensive doctrine or way of life is unfair is to presuppose rather than establish the correctness of some competing conception of justice.
Robert Nozick in the excerpt from his book Anarchy, State and Utopia presents his ideas on why a government in power should not spread the wealth of the state among all of the residents. Nozick writes mainly in response to John Rawls’ A Theory of Justice in which Rawls focuses on the idea of the state working towards improving financially the lives of those that are in the worst conditions. To explain his point of view Nozick expounds on various concepts that provide a better understanding of the procedure that lead to him arriving at the conclusion that he did. This includes the entitlement theory of Nozick. In this paper I will explain how Nozick reaches the conclusion that redistributive justice should not take place along with a detailed look at the various major concepts of his theory. In addition, I will also provide my view on what John Rawls’s argument against Nozick’s theory might be. Finally, I will explain why I agree with John Rawl’s theory and present detailed reasoning.
When it comes to the topic of how Henry David Thoreau chooses the audience for his texts, many agree that the reasoning involved the writer’s longing for achieving results rather than convincing an audience. When this agreement usually ends, however, is the question of why Thoreau ignores people who support the Mexican American War and slavery and instead focuses on those who protest against those issues. His writing philosophy in the essays “Civil Disobedience” and “Economy” shows his favouritism towards the idea that individuals need freedom of exercising their conscience and that this leads to success. His aims in targeting the unhappy and out speak their discontent shows potential that challenges slavery and the war. Consequently, this paper will address how Thoreau’s philosophy targets the discontented minority that voice their complaints and exercise their conscience.
Rawls begins his work by defining the role of the principles of justice “to specify the fair terms of social cooperation. These principles specify the basic rights and duties to be assigned by the main political and social institutions, and they regulate the division of benefits arising from social cooperation and allot the burdens necessary to sustain it.” (7) Through these fair principles of justice, Rawls aims to build a realistic utopia. The two principles of justice he spells out in his work are: “Each person has the same indefeasible claim to a fully adequate scheme of equal basic liberties, which scheme is compatible with the same scheme of liberties for all; and
I will begin this paper by making clear that this is a critique of Rawls and his difference principle and not an attempt at a neutral analysis. I have read the Theory of Justice and I have found it wanting in both scope and realism. The difference principle proposed by Rawls, his second principle is the focus of my critique. While this paper will not focus solely on the second principle, all analysis done within this essay are all targeted towards the scope of influence that Rawls treats the second principle with.
Rawls creates a hypothetical society, via a thought experiment known as the “Veil of Ignorance,” in which all that you knew of yourself is eliminated from your mind to allow you to come to a rational decision on how you would like your society to be organized. Rawls principle is that under a social contract what is right must be the same for everyone. The essence of Rawls' “veil of ignorance” is that it is designed to be a representation of persons purely in their capacity as free and equal moral persons. Out of this experiment Rawls provides us with two basic p...
Rawls, J. (1999). A Theory of Justice (Rev. ed.). Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
Rawls states that for this system to work, all citizens must see themselves as being behind a "veil of ignorance". By this he means that all deciding parties in establishing the guidelines of justice (all citizens) must see themselves as equal to everyone paying no mind to there economic situation or anything else that they could keep in mind to negotiate a better situation to those qualities. For example, if everyone in this society has an equal amount of influence toward the establishing of specific laws, a rich man may propose that taxes should be equal for all rather than proportionate to ones assets. It is for this and similar situations that Rawls feels that everyone must become oblivious to themselves. Rawls believes that the foundational guideline agreed upon by the those in the original position will be composed of two parts.
Political philosopher John Rawls believed that in order for society to function properly, there needs to be a social contract, which defines ‘justice as fairness’. Rawls believed that the social contract be created from an original position in which everyone decides on the rules for society behind a veil of ignorance. In this essay, it will be argued that the veil of ignorance is an important feature of the original position. First, the essay will describe what the veil of ignorance is. Secondly, it will look at what Rawls means by the original position. Thirdly, it will look at why the veil of ignorance is an important feature of the original position. Finally, the essay will present a criticism to the veil of ignorance and the original position and Rawls’ potential response to this.
...e achieved when the Liberty and Difference Principle are enacted with the veil of ignorance. On the contrary, Nozick argues that Rawls’s theory is exactly the sort of patterned principle that infringes upon individual liberty. As an alternative, Nozick provides his unpatterned principle as the ideal distribution of goods in a society. To me, Rawls’s argues his theory in a manner where his principles of justice are not only difficult to achieve, but ultimately are exceedingly deficient in providing general utility. The veil of ignorance has proved to be almost impossible as well as unethical. The Difference Principle in itself is unable to justly distribute property since it clearly violates an individual’s liberty. Since Rawls’s method of distributive justice is rendered unreasonable and inefficient, it leaves us with a clear answer derived from two disjunctions.
There is such a thing as universality of human rights that is different from cultural relativism, humanity comes before culture and traditions. People are humans first and belong to cultures second (Collaway, Harrelson-Stephens, 2007 p.109), this universality needs to take priority over any cultural views, and any state sovereignty over its residing citizens.
When looking at normative theories of politics, the main distinction is between cosmopolitanism and communitarianism. In this essay the term community shall refer to political communities, or more specifically, states. It is important to note that these political communities have been defined territorially, and not necessarily by culture, although this is taken for granted to an extent by communitarianism. Communitarians say that each community is different, and therefore should act accordingly with each other. In other words, state autonomy should be absolute and law and moral standards should be self-determined by the community itself alone. Furthermore, communities should have no obligations to other political communities or any sort of international law. Contrastingly, Cosmopolitans say that there should be an overriding universal moral standard to which all states (or communities) should adhere. If a state is infringing on the rights of the individual or humanity, then intervention is appropriate and just. (Steve Smith, The Globalisation of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations p. 173A)
Rawls, J. (2007). Lectures on the History of Political Philosophy. United States: Harvard University Press.
Rawls, like Kant, believed humans have the capacity to reason from a universal point of view. Rawls’ called this the ‘original position’ (Rawls, 1999) and argued humans reach their individual moral and political understandings through an impartial analysis of the world around them. In this Rawlsian state of nature, humans are free of the biases that come with knowledge of individual circumstance, which thus leaves them free to consider principles that, Rawls argues, are inherently