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Globalization and political impact
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New York City, being a natural port, has drawn to its shore waves of immigration throughout its existence. Largely in part to growing ethnic populations, utilizing ethnic solidarity as a platform to mobilize a political system has been common. This tactic was most prevalent during the late nineteenth century and later on during the 1960s in the form of machine politics. Machine politics as a system relied heavily upon voter loyalty through the distribution of petty material goods and services or patronage (Merton 101). This political system has often been rendered as faulty and a direct cause of two financial crises in New York City history. During the prevalence of machine politics, “to many middle and upper-class Americans, the cities seemed …show more content…
Additionally, the petty favors and patronage they provided was thinly spread amongst their beneficiaries to maximize voter support and loyalty. According to some urban scholars such as Steven Erie, this system did little to provide a real basis for social upward mobility for its immigrant constituents. Eventually, the gross mismanagement of limited governmental funding coupled with the persistent demands of a growing immobilized immigrant population left this system vulnerable to being solely accountable for the financial crises which occurred in New York City. Despite its overall contrary portrayal, machine politics gained power because it provided a …show more content…
There are several contextual events which heavily influenced the transformation of New York City’s political system. Many social forces such as “migration of capital, jobs, people . . . [and] technological changes” also heavily contributed to the fiscal crisis during the 1970s (Tabb 324). The exodus of jobs and higher skilled workers coupled with the presence of a large unemployed population in New York City created a declining tax base. Additionally, the general devolution of the federal government interest in local politics and the general shift in considering the urban fiscal crisis as more an individual problem rather than a systemic problem, also mean less funding from the federal government to help balance the city’s budget. During this process, however, the degradation of power and authority was relayed from the federal to state. Cities still remained responsible for the balancing their budget without having much authority (Eisinger 309). With a growing impetus to create a fiscal balance and increased globalization, cities have more heavily relied on the business community to provide
The fourth chapter of City Politics by Dennis R. Judd & Todd Swanstrom covers the rise of "Reform Politics" with many local governments during the first half of the 1900s as a way to combat the entrenched political machines that took control of many large city governments in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Over the course of the chapter, Judd & Swanstrom quickly cover the history of the "reform movement" with different examples of how the reform movement affected city politics in different areas.
“It was if there was a social moat that divided these two New Yorks.” This quote from the movie The Central Park Five, explains the divide between the poor part of New York, such as Harlem, and the upper class areas. This divide was caused by an economic crisis that changed the social dynamics of the city. This change allowed for consequences such as the injustice of the Central Park Five and the causes of this injustice can be explained by three different theoretical perspectives: the Structural Functionalist Perspective, the Symbolic Interactionist Perspective, and the Conflict Perspective.
Following the years of Congressional Reconstruction during the Johnson administration, former Union General Ulysses S. Grant was elected president, despite his lack of political experience. Although Grant was an excellent soldier, he proved to be an insufficient politician, failing to respond effectively to rampant corruption throughout his two terms in office. Both government and businesses were plagued by corrupt schemes, as Republican leaders used the spoils system to gain political favors and “robber barons,” such as Jay Gould and James Fisk, stole large sums of money at the public’s expense. New York Mayor William “Boss” Tweed, leader of the “Tammany Hall” political machine, took advantage of the influx of immigrants to the United States by manipulating newly arrived immigrants, promising employment, housing, and other favors in return for their electoral support. This blatant corruption severely damaged the opinions of many Americans regarding their government, and prompted the election of numerous reform-minded politicians. Rutherford B. Hayes and James Garfield both attempted to restore honest government following the tainted Grant administration, yet political divisions between the “Halfbreed” and “Stalwart” factions of the Republican Party prev...
The events of 7 June 1969 were but one of many moments in the history of New York City's Puerto Rican community that gave rise to and lent support for the Young Lords Party.[4] Indeed over the course of the next five years this ethnic group of radical intellectuals would help bring attention to the plight of the Puerto Rican community in New York City. This essay explores the history of the late twentieth century Puerto Rican migrants in New York City through an examination of the Young Lords Party (1969 to 1974). In doing so, it examines several significant topics, including the growth of the Puerto Rican population in New York City; the unique challenges this ethnic group faced, and the origins, growth and decline of the Young Lords Party.
Gerald Benjamin and Stephen P. Rappaport, Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science Vol. 31, No. 3, Governing New York State: The Rockefeller Years (May, 1974), pp. 200-213
The city’s budget crisis was not a surprise, the City Manager had forecasted the shortfall and brought it to the attention of the city council. Based on the organizational structure, the City Manager clearly had more knowledge and information about the city’s budget, which was his source of power. However, the city council actually controls the resources (money in this case) and how and where to distribute the resource. Both, the City Manager and city council possess authority and power that neither want to relinquish; as a result, the employees suffered. Smithville city leaders needed to come together at the onset of the budget crisis and work together in a direct democratic fashion. When leaders come together and synthesize facts and resources, organizational members can increase the power they exert within an organization (Morgan, 2006). The budget crisis could potentially have been avoided had city leaders made an appeal to the public, explained the situation and offered a reasonable solution to the problem. Moreover, the transparency would have relieved some tension between the City Manager, city council, and the three labor unions. Because the city was not transparent and forthcoming with union leaders, the city negotiators enter the negotiation process giving members false hope of receiving salary and benefit increases when there were none to give. In summary, given the current situation, the City Manager needed to exert his expert power on the budget issue, join alliance with the union leaders, and push the city council to change city charter to implement the sales tax, which would have potentially off-set the budget
Dumenil, Lynn, ed. "New York City." The Oxford Encyclopedia of American Social History. N.p.: Oxford UP, 2012. Oxford Reference. Web. 8 Apr. 2013.
The political machine was supported by continuing immigration from 1800 to 1920, when more than eighteen million European immigrants flooded into the Untied States in search of economic opportunity and political and religious freedom. At first they came from Northern and Central Europe and then largely from Eastern and Southern Europe. (New Colossus , Pg. 1) New York alone reported that by June 30, 1899 immigrant arrivals from the Russian Empire were around 90,787. Arrivals, from the same year, from all countries of persons of German race were 29,682 and Hebrew arrivals were 60,764. (Changing the Character of Immigration, Pg. 1) Unfortunately, with such a large influx in population during a short amount of time and other variables such as immigrants being unable to speak English, inadequate affordable urban housing, and insufficient jobs a large amount of immigrants ended up in growing slums without the feeling of security or knowledge of how to find help, if there was any, from an unrepresentative government. These factors transformed incoming immigrants into easy prey for patronage from the political machine and sustained it by giving their votes. In the 1930’s mass immigration had stopped and representative government had begun, leading to a decline in patronage needed by then integrated immigrants and a decline in votes for the machine.
A poor immigrant is living in New York City's Lower East Side around the turn of the 20th century. Their husband suddenly becomes ill, and his health rapidly gets worse. They have no money for medical help but know who to contact. They contact the 'boss' of the local Democratic political machine. The 'boss' shows up and helps get the husband to the hospital. They say they have no money, and he replies, 'Don't worry about it. Just remember this on election day.' And they do, they vote for whichever Democratic candidate the 'boss' tells them to vote for. To make a long story short, this is how the political machine worked in the big cities of the late-19th and early 20th centuries in America. The machine controlled a system of party loyalists,
Martin, Milton, and New York. The Empire State: a history of New York. Cornell Univ Pr, 2001. Print (pg433)
In 1980 the city was in a near brink of bankruptcy. With his stringent character and “we will not give in” ideology he was able to combat the city from entering bankruptcy, but this resolution did not come easily. The process that he supported for stabilizing the city’s budget was to attain loan money from the federal government. The New York City residents however, did not support this tactic, because in his proposal to the federal government he stated that he would jobs and payroll. In addition, the labor force began to participate in strikes to display their outrage to the mayor Koch’s proposal. Impressively with Koch’s ingenuity, he was able to attain a loan of 1.5 millions from the federal
The power elite theory argues that “big business” and other behind-the-scenes notables effectively control local arena (Levine, 2015). In urban areas people tend to vote for more elite candidates. Power elite theory views urban politics as extremely undemocratic. Upper class rules what cities do, and the class function of birth, ownership, wealth, old money families, etc. Political and civil leaders beholden to upper class. Single, homogeneous power-elite rules city. They have influence over multiple policy spheres, more so in national politics, since there are no vehicles to represent lower status claims (e.g. parties) (Dr. Taylor).
It is safe to say that all cities want to secure their financial freedom and flexibility. It is not only the goal of most United States cities, but also of United States citizens. Economic growth and prosperity signify health and abundance for a city, therefore bringing status and power. “An advantageous economic position,” as Peterson puts it, “means a competitive edge . . . relative to other localities” (Peterson, 22). It is believed that with a healthy economy, and more importantly, a growing economy, comes the need for jobs and production. Further, when cities pursue economic development and stake their claim in the market they can “produce a good that can be sold in an external market, labor and capital [will] flow into the city to help
New York City was a hub for immigrants and it still is today. About one-third of the city’s total population of 8 million is foreign born (nyc.gov, 2014). About 800 different languages are spoken in New York (nyiac.org, 2014). The city served as the historic port of entry for southern and eastern European immigrants such as the Russian Jewish, Italians, Germans and Irish (Foner, 2007). The newest wave of immigrants is no longer predominantly Europeans as the city has continued to attract a significant number of people from all parts of the world such as Asians, Latin Americans and Africans (Fon...
Theory and Society , Vol. 39, No. 3/4, Special Issue in Memory of Charles Tilly (1929–2008): Cities, States, Trust, and Rule (May 2010) , pp. 343-360