In the book “The GCC and the International Relations of the Gulf: Diplomacy, Security and Economic Coordination in a Changing Middle East” Matteo Legranzi provides detailed description of how mechanisms of Gulf cooperation work. Special attention is paid to limitations of gulf cooperation, the rise of Iran’s economic and political influence, economic globalization and diplomatic regionalization. Legranzi argues that little is known and highlighted about Gulf’s international cooperation and, therefore, modern researches should concentrate more on explorations gulf member states and their impact on the whole world. Little evidence is provided about the work of decision-makers in GCC, how decisions are formulated and what key political and economical factors are considered during this process. (Legranzi 2011)
The GCC is claimed to be one of the most flexible world’s organizations consisting of the UAE, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. These countries are rich in oil that gives them important political and economic stimulus. The GCC, the author underlines, is very influenti...
The Middle East has historically rebuked Western influence during their process of establishing independence. When Britain and France left the Middle East after World War II, the region saw an unprecedented opportunity to establish independent and self-sufficient states free from the Western influence they had felt for hundreds of years. In an attempt to promote nationalistic independence, the states of the region immediately formed the League of Arab States in 1945. The League recognized and promoted the autonomy of its members and collaborated in regional opposition against the West until 1948 when Israel declared independence. Israel represented then and now an intrusive Western presence in the Arab world. The ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict typifies this cultural antagonism. The Cold War refocused attention to the Middle East as a site of economic and strategic importance for both sides, yet the two hegemons of the Cold War now needed to recognize the sovereignty of the Middle Eastern states. With their statehood and power cemented, the Middle Easte...
The Middle Eastern has developed a lot of economic success with the authoritarianism government they’ve established. To some people, if they are economically stable, they’re willing to endure the hardships of being lead under a dictator. Countries like Bahrain and Saudi Arabia are flourishing in the oil business, which keeps them wealthy and involved in international relations. To the citizens of the Middle East, this makes their country look powerful because even with the Western’s opposing ideologies, they’re still working with the Middle East. This is sending the wrong message because even though the western countries have to cooperate and show political support with the Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and other Middle Eastern countries. Situations like these give the citizens a positive outlook of how their country is being conducted and support their governme...
“One Arab nation from Gulf to the Ocean,” gives meaning to the term “Pan-Arabism” in the Middle East. A notion where Arab nations transcend their state boundaries to form political mergers with other states and achieve an ‘Arab unity.’ The existence of Arab states had been tumultuous throughout the decline of the Muslim order, the end of the Ottoman Empire, the Palestinian defeat, Six Day War and Arab-Israeli war in 1973. This essay will critically examine Foud Ajami’s case for a raison d’état in the Middle East and his claim that there were six broad trends leading to the alteration of the balance of power away from Pan-Arabism and towards the state. It will be argued that Pan-Arabism was a romantic ideology that Arab states found convenient to support, all in advancement of their nationalistic state agendas. It was never a realistic endeavor that was physically undertaken by the Arab states and was thus never alive in a tangible sense. However, Pan-Arabism as an ideology had a place in the Middle East and was thus alive in an ideological sense.
Although the United Sates and Saudi Arabia present the United States and Saudi Arabia’s relationship as excellent, there are actually two nations who have bitter disagreements but who allies through oil. The only thing that has held this alliance together is the US dependence on Saudi oil. The United States has felt and still fells that it is a necessity to have bases present in the Middle East to protect oil, and silently to protect Israel. The relationship began in 1933 when Standard Oil of California signed an agreement with the Saudi government. In 1943 FDR affirmed that the defense of Saudi Arabia was a vital interest to the United States and moved troops into the region. Future presidents would emulate this declaration and mobilization of troops to Saudi Arabia. Again in 1945 Abd al Aziz, the Saudi king, and FDR would cement this alliance, on a US warship in the Suez Canal. Soon after, airfields were constructed at Dhahran and other spots over Saudi Arabia; beginning a long tradition of US military facilities in Saudi Arabia. Abd al Aziz was the first of his line of successors to meet with US presidents. The relationship was only strengthened with the onset on the Cold war, as the US used the bases in Saudi Arabia as potential air force launch sites to the USSR and constructed more military facilities. In 1941 Harry S. Truman made another assertion of Americas protection and alliance with Saudi Arabia to Abd Al Aziz. Truman stated that “support for Saudi Arabia’s territorial integrity and political independence was a primary objective of the United States.” (Countrystudies.com) Another stipulation of this pact was that the US established a permanent military training mission in the Saudi Arabia. That mission lasted until 1992. Soon after the pact between Truman and Aziz was agreed upon the US-Saudi relationship would endure its first major disagreement. On May 14th, 1948 Israel was declared an independent state in the former Arab dominated Palestine. Israel’s independence was backed the United States. Saudi Arabia refused to acknowledge the country of Israel and to engage in any relations with them. The Saudis concerns of the Israel-US relationship were reinforced in the 1970’s and 1980’s when the US sold arms to Israel, but refused to sell arms to Saudi Arabia. In some cases congressional leaders refused to sell arms to Saudi Arabia on the grounds that Saudi Arabia might use them against Israel.
One of the biggest issues that seems to offend Iran greatly is American involvement in the Middle East. For many years, the United States has been helping regional allies to enhance their national security through {arms trade and military bases}. Iran, however, feels threatened by the American presence in the region. The Iranian goals of spreading Iranian-Islamic culture and increasing relations with neighboring countries are undoubtedly hindered by the United States’ close relationship with several countries in the region. Cohen, Edelman, and Takeyh argue that “the United States should help the Gulf state not only as they battle Iranian proxies in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, but also as they deal with...protecting themselves against Iran’s efforts to undermine their internal security, defending their economic infrastructure, and preventing Iran from interdicting their energy exports along key transit routes.”
Crude oil is perhaps more easily found than water in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which is home to nearly a quarter of the world's proven petroleum reserves (Klare 55). Naturally, this has caught the rapacious eye of the United States, which has, especially since the establishment in 1980 of the Carter Doctrine, increasingly defined the security of its extra-national oil supplies as a matter of vital national interest even during times of peace (33). At the end of World War II, envisioning the future need for oil, President Franklin D. Roosevelt met with Saudi King Abdel-Aziz Ibn Saud and offered the country and regime American protection, with a "vital but unspoken quid pro quo: in return for protecting the royal family against its enemies, American companies [would] be allowed unrivaled access to Saudi oil fields" (75). Saudi Arabia may be rich in oil, but it is still rich in fundamentalist Islamic sentiment. If one accepts the postmodern concept of delocalized topical boundaries between states, then in economic terms Saudi Arabia clearly lies on what Samuel P. Huntington has aptly called the "bloody borders" (55) of Islam, occupying a key commercial juncture between the Arab world and the United States.
Maynes, Charles. "The Middle East in the Twenty-First Century." Middle East Journal 52.1 (1998): 9-16. JSTOR. Web. 6 June 2011.
In this study, I aim to determine the effects of globalization on Middle Eastern society, particularly that of Iran. By globalization, I mean the expansion of influence via growing global economies, particularly that of the west, and its unique and very common interaction with the Middle East. Aside from economical expansion, I also include military, political and cultural expansion, or globalization, by that of western cultures and states onto Middle Eastern societies. Cultural expansion can be an effect of economic globalization, as well as military presence in or around a said area. International politics also play a role in affecting cultures, as politics are quite intertwined with economics and military action. Economically, globalization has caused the distribution of wealth to shift dramatically. This is due to many causes, but the oil industry in particular is the source of much of the changes in Middle Eastern society. Iran is no exception, with the oil industry casting a great shadow on the nation’s economy. Obviously, the oil industry also dominates the global economy, therefore bringing many different factors into the Middle East. The pursuit of a “competitive business environment”, international business and political pressures combined with internal and international cultural conflicts, military presence and international image all play huge roles in impacting society. I will be exploring these three variables: GDP, Effect(s) on culture, and rate of growth.
Gerner, Deborah J., and Philip A. Schrodt. "Middle Eastern Politics." Understanding the contemporary Middle East. 3rd ed. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2008. 85 -136. Print.
Crimes punishable by the death sentence in Saudi Arabia include murder, serious attacks on the Islam religion, adultery, dress codes, and since 1987, drug smuggling. Under Saudi Arabian law, serious crimes merit serious consequences. Repeated theft is punishable by amputation of the right hand, administered under anesthetic. Because most meals in Saudi Arabia are eaten by hand from a communal bowl and only the right hand may touch the food, this punishment effectively bans the convicted thief from society. The severity of this punishment has led to a slight softening of the law in recent years; now if the thief repents and makes restitution before the case is brought before a judge, the punishment can be reduced... furthermore, the victim of the crime may demand payment rather than amputation of the thief’s right hand, and in some cases the victim is even permitted to parden the criminal. In a typical year at least ten hands amputations are carried out for repeated thievery in Saudi Arabia. (Goodwin, 1943) Today in the United States, crimes such as theft are punishable by jail sentence if they have more than one thievery act.
Political uprisings in the Middle East, especially in Muslim nation states have placed Arabian politics back on the focus point of international politics. Political events in certain Arab countries had an excessive impact on the political development of other neighboring states. Resistances and anxieties within different Arab countries triggered unpredictable actions, sometimes sorely to observe and believe. The authoritarian governments of Arabian countries led from various dictators have created a precarious situation for their people, especially in providing national security and maintaining peace in the region. Jack Goldstone argues that the degree of a sultan’s weakness has been often only visible in retrospect; due in part to the nature of the military-security complex common across Middle East states (Goldstone 1). In addition, the existence of various statesmen with political affiliation is concerned in faithfulness of its armed forces. Usually, the armed national forces of several states, mainly those in Arab countries are loyal and closely affiliated to their leaders, which have a major role in state regimes. Arab uprisings in their early spreading appeared legally responsible and with concrete demands from representatives’ peoples, calling for a more open democratic system and reasonable governance. Even though, the system in which popular frustration with government imposes alters considerably from one state to another. These public revolts against different authoritative governments didn’t halt just in Arab states, but they sustained also in the Far East and in the Eastern Europe. Can we say that the popular uprisings in Arab countries could be attributed to the term of globalization? In fact, globalization is a multi...
Iraq’s non-cooperation with inspection agencies by obstructing the inspection from 1997 to 2002 resulted in massive international pressure and strengthening the USA’s doubts on Iraq. The apprehension between the USA and Iraq can be considered decisive, since the USA alleged Iraq as a threat to global stability.... ... middle of paper ... ... Most of the regional actors discarded the U.S. policy towards Iraq with varying intensity as they feared insecurity after Iraq’s disintegration (Reuters, 2003). Jordan decided not to endanger its rewarding ties with Washington. Another key actor at this level is the Baathi party in Iraq which was based on tribal division, domestic oppression and economic enticement.
I will use SWOT analysis which is a systemic approach for strategic positioning and problem solving. Because the organizations to be successful, first they need to know their strength and opportunities to be able to treat their problems (threats and weakness) in a strategic way. (Gariboldi 2005) First, the strength is the capabilities and resources of the organization. (Garibold 2005) GCC states have Oil and Gas (natural resources) which are the backbone of their Economy. For example, on 10/3/2016, the Saudi Arabia's PetroRabigh said on Wednesday it would book around SR750 million ($200 million) in sales revenue this year 2016 with the full start-up of its expanded ethane cracker. Second strength is the skillful human resources, for example, Saudi Aramco had strong strategic partnership with United States of America which form highly talented Human capital who can act as active and creative agent of innovations. (SAUDI ARABIA PETROCHEMICALS, OIL AND GAS 2016) Second element of SWOT is the opportunity which does mean the positive chances for growth. (Gariboldi 2005) There is increasing demands for energy worldwide. For example, on 8/3/2016, Saudi Aramco announced her plan to double gas production about 23 billion standard cubic feet per day in next decade. So, this huge
In conclusion in this paper I talked about oil and its impacts on the economy and the environment in the country of Qatar. Qatar’s economy cannot support its city population if it were to run out of oil. Qatar has a lot to offer from oil, gas, and wind energy. This is why people come to Qatar, for jobs in energy. The economy is based on energy resources, which could be Qatar’s economic downfall in the far
international politics (politics in general) are objective to be interpreted by one's own understanding of