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Development and implementation of security policy
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1.0 Introduction
The world is currently facing the most complex and challenging security environment in recent history. In the last 20 years, a new dimension of threats to security have emerged and in the process altered the way security is conceived within the discourse of the global security landscape. Dealing with these challenges requires a versatile and robust security sector. From the 1990s, Security Sector Reform (henceforth denoted SSR) emerged as a key concept, which became widely accepted by both development practitioners and security experts, following its proposition to a larger public in a speech by Clare Short, Minister for International Development of the United Kingdom, in London in 1998.
Since then, SSR emerged as a
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The paper begins by examining the challenges to SSR, before looking at the nexus between SSR and SST. The paper then expands on the concept of transformative security reform by outlining specific policies designed to promote structural arms control and socio-political safeguards against militarism.
1.1 The Challenges of the Security Sector Reform (SSR) Nicole Ball referred the Security Sector as ‘the security family’, that includes: the security forces (military, paramilitary, police), the agencies of government and parliament responsible for oversight of these forces, informal security forces, the judiciary and correction system, private security firms and civil society. There are certainly varying definitions of the security sector in both the academic and policy literature.
According to the UN Secretary General’s report, SSR is defined as a “process of assessment, review and implementation as well as monitoring and evaluation led by national authorities that has as its goal the enhancement of effective and accountable security for the State and its peoples without discrimination and with full respect for human rights and the rule of
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These reforms have to occur in an environment in which peace itself does not necessarily signify the end of violence but relatively secure environment for the reforms to flourish but in which peace settlements can continue to be contested. However, peace agreements can temporarily be slowed the situation that may exacerbate the warring parties to regroup and replenish arms supplies, as the case was in Sierra Leone, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Angola. Therefore, actors involved in peace building face somewhat daunting tasks in simultaneously demobilizing and disarming the armed factions and wider society, whilst also re-imposing effective and impartial law and
Merlingen, Michael. European security and defense policy: an implementation perspective, (2008). New York: Routledge publishers.
"Peacekeeping and Peacemaking." Reading and Remembrance . N.p., n.d. Web. 12 Jan. 2014. . (tags: none | edit tags)
Watson, Robert P., Devine, Michael J. and Wolz, Robert J. eds., The National Security Legacy
In the words of American author Robert Heinlein, “An armed society is a polite society and manners are good when one may have to back up his acts with his life.” This represents how dangerous endeavors may change the course of our way of life through diverse ideals. For example, laws, directions or political standards can have varying effects on social structures, especially when we grow intolerant to change and accustom to habitual routines or systematically oppress those without a voice. Accordingly societal components, such as, reputation, values or citizenry is influenced when overseeing powers involved with keeping one protected and free from a situation of constrained alliance ends up being an unknown social crossroads.
Patel, Ana Cutter. "Transitional Justice, DDR, and Security Sector Reform." ICTJ. http://ictj.org/sites/default/files/ICTJ-DDR-SSR-ResearchBrief-2010-English.pdf (accessed May 18, 2014).
Arms embargoes are “one type of sanctions that can be used to coerce states and non-governmental actors to improve their behaviour in the interests of international peace and security” . The prohibition of military transfers includes: provision of military aid, military cooperation, arms sales and security assistance . This essay aims to examine Dominic Tierney’s assertion whether multilateral ‘arms embargoes are both easy to introduce and difficult to lift’ . Prior to 1990, the UN introduced arms embargoes on two occasions only: against South Africa and Rhodesia . Since 1990 there have been in total 25 cases of UN mandatory arms restrictions, of which 13 remain in place. The EU is the other major embargo imposer with a total 33 cases and 20 still un-lifted . The 1990s in particular, were characterised by Cortright and Lopez as the ‘Sanctions Decade’ during which 50 multilateral sanctions were introduced, with arms embargoes being the most employed form of sanctions . Thus the statistics suggest that the UN and the EU have been more frequently resorting to arms embargoes. However, little is illustrated about the dynamics involved in issuing and removing an arms embargo.
Avant, D. & Sigelman, L. (2010, May 28). Private security and democracy: Lessons from the us
The military is tasked with the duty and responsibility of protecting the nation from external attacks and managing any attacks that may happen. Over the years, countries across the world have engaged in conflicts originating from differences in policies and invasion of privacy and unfair treatment of citizens in foreign countries. In...
Wendt, Alexander. “Constructing International Politics.” International Security. Cambridge: President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1995. 71-81. Print.
Evans, Gareth and Mohamed Sahnoun. “The Responsibility to Protect.” Foreign Affairs v81 i6 (2002). Accessed 1 March 2006 . .
Consequences of intervention can include the loss of lives from an otherwise uninvolved country, the spread of violence, and the possibility of inciting conflict over new problems, just to name a few (Lecture, 11/15/16). For example, John Mueller considers the potential negative consequences of intervention prove that they are insignificant to the cause of humanitarian intervention as a whole. Moreover, with intervention into ethnic conflicts, the outcome, no matter how positive, is overshadowed by a gross exaggeration of negative consequences (Mueller). In both Yugoslavia and Rwanda the solution, to Mueller appeared simple, a well ordered and structured militarized presence was all that was required to end the conflict (Mueller). If this is the case, when discussing whether or not intervention is necessary the political elite must not over-exaggerate the difficulty.
Ripeness and readiness are good theory’s to explain why conflicts ends. They both show how multiple factors come into play to end a conflict. “Ripeness is not sudden, but rather a complex process of transformations in the situation, shifts in public attitudes and new perceptions and visions among decision-makers” (Rambotham, 2011: 180). The Oslo negotiations and the peace process are good examples of the readiness theory and its ease explaining the resolution of these conflicts. The Cambodian conflict poses more difficulty being explained through ripeness. When conflicts are multilateral poses a challenge to readiness theory. Adapting readiness theory
Taking into account that states asses its strengths in order to adopt the most effective strategies to deal with potential menaces, westerns states understand the advantages of the aforementioned theory. The current threats that the Western world take into account are composed by local, regional and global menaces. To this paper it is essential recognise the scope of all of those elements that configure a threat to the West. Among many others there are drugs, crime, and terrorism, geo-strategic actors such as the Middle East and Russia, and growing powers such as China. These are complicated patterns that states need to strategically cope with. In fact, the security strategy from Western states is framed between the combination o...
The security dilemma literatures suggest that cooperation with the other states could be a best solution to deal with the dilemma, and the states should decide when they need to enforce some strategies, such as enforce arms control and one sided defensive strategy to arms racing (Brown, Lynn-Jones, Miller 1995: 380).
Geissmann, Hans J. 2001. “The Underrated OSCE” Working paper presented for Consultation on NATO Nuclear Policy, National Missile Defence & Alternative Security Arrangements in Ottowa, Canada. http://www.ploughshares.ca/libraries/WorkingPapers/Simons%20Conf%20Ottawa/Giessmann.html