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Rwandan genocide - failures of
Rwandan genocide - failures of
Rwanda genocide historical perspective
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“The Rwandan Genocide represents one of the worst human security failures, and the consequences still reverberate through the Great Lakes region of Africa nearly ten years later”, writes the Commission on Human Security in 2003. “Therefore, realizing human rights lies at the core of protecting and empowering people” (Bodelier, 2011). Canada's lack of response to the Rwandan Genocide was unfortunate, and it allowed for questioning of Canada's continued strength in peacekeeping operations, something Canada had been instrumental in creating merely 40 years prior. It is necessary to examine Canada's role within the international community's failure, to understand what external factors can still influence Canada's foreign policy, and to therefore …show more content…
The Rwandan Genocide was a clear demonstration of other nations and international institutions influencing Canada’s decisions within the international realm. This paper will analyze the Canadian response to the Rwandan Genocide, in order to understand how the nation of Canada attempted to regain its internationalist status, specifically looking at the adoption of a renewed human centred foreign policy. The specific additions being: Responsibility to Protect (R2P), Axworthy’s Human Security Network, and an increase in Canadian influence within international institutions, such as playing an influential role on the United Nations Security Council, and in the creation of the International Criminal Court. The majority of the research …show more content…
Canada’s foreign policy at the time with regards to Rwanda must be analyzed through a realist lens, as Canada’s lack of support was brought about out of self interest. Realists consider states to be the main actors within the anarchic international system. These states are concerned with their own security, only pursue their own national interests, and are in a constant battle for power. In focusing on power and self interests realists are skeptic of ethical norms and ethical relations (Soomo Publishing, 2011). This realist reaction to the Rwandan genocide can be seen throughout the entire genocide. For example, Canada, as well as the rest of the international community ignored Romeo Dallaire and his frequent attempts to warn nations about the impeding violence, through means such as the Genocide Fax, which was sent in January 1994, over four months before the genocide officially began (Kuperman, 2001). David Kilgour, a Canadian member of parliament echoed this opinion in noting that Canadian troops were not released from other missions to join the existing peacekeeping force until the largest amount of deaths had already occurred. He goes as far as questioning
Since the Confederation of Canada until today, the province of Quebec has always wanted become its own nation by separating from Canada. As a result, Canada’s scariest ever terrorist group, the Front de Libération de Quebec (FLQ), wrote the darkest chapter in Canadian history, The October Crisis. To end the terror, Canadian Prime Minister, Trudeau, was forced to invoke the War Measures Act (WMA) during his term in 1970 which was flawed with disapproval and controversy since it was the first time the Act was used during peacetime. However, despite the criticism, his decision to invoke the War Measures Act was reasonable because of the fear presented by the FLQ, the public and governmental demands, and the end result of the October Crisis.
Canadians strongly believe that peacekeeping is about trying to protect people from extreme harm, a way of providing hope in situations that seem hopeless, and a good method of bringing peace and justice to war-torn countries or failed states. Canadians backing soldiers in their peacekeeping role has been so strong for such a long time that it has generated into their national identity. “Canadians cling to the mythology, born of the 1956 Suez Crisis, that we are a nation of peacekeepers, interposing between belligerent forces bent on war but, even though Canadian government officials and media of the 1990s called the operations in Bosnia and Somalia “peacekeeping missions,” they were something very different from Cold War-era peacekeeping.” Accordingly, over the past several decades, Canadian peacekeeping operations involving their military forces has shifted from a Pearson perspective based on humanitarian intervention to peacekeeping missions entailing massive violence. Therefore, my research paper will focus on how peacekeeping in the Canadian context has changed over the past several decades owing to the Canadian use of its military (internationally) force for extreme violence during peacekeeping missions. I wish to discuss this topic extensively within my research paper by focusing on vivid examples from UN Peacekeeping missions.
Historically, Canada has held a world renowned reputation as nation with a magnanimous ideological approach to providing asylum to those individuals subjected to marginalization and persecution in their homeland – regardless of their nation of origin (Ismaili, 2011, p.89 & 92). Indeed, providing sanctuary to refugees who would otherwise experience significant hardships ranging from blatant discrimination and racism to torture and genocide, has very much become an institutionalized aspect of Canadian society. However, recent changes to Canada’s immigration policy delineated in the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act and Bill C-31 may have perhaps put this ideology in peril (Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, 2001).
McBride, S., Shields, J. (1997). The Post-War Canadian State. Dismantling a Nation. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing.
...a’s immigration policy becoming fairer. From 1991-1997, 607 Rwandan refugees were allowed into Canada. From 1992-1997, close to 13,000 thousand Bosnian refugees were allowed into Canada. The acceptance of these refugees from Bosnia and Rwanda show how much Canada’s immigration policy has changed since 1914, when many immigrants and refugees trying to enter Canada were rejected.
Canada is perceived by other nations as a peace-loving and good-natured nation that values the rights of the individual above all else. This commonly held belief is a perception that has only come around as of late, and upon digging through Canadian history it quickly becomes obvious that this is not the truth. Canadian history is polluted with numerous events upon which the idea that Canada is a role model for Human Rights shows to be false. An extreme example of this disregard for Human Rights takes place at the beginning of the twentieth-century, which is the excessive prejudice and preconceived notions that were held as truths against immigrants attempting to enter Canada. Another prime example of these prejudices and improper Human Rights is the Internment of those of Japanese descent or origin during the Second World War. Also the White Paper that was published by the government continues the theme of Human Rights being violated to the utmost extreme. All these events, as well as many others in history, give foundation to the idea that “Canada as a champion for Human Rights is a myth”.
Peacekeeping has played a significant role in defining and shaping the country that Canada is today. Canada’s role used to be viewed by many as insufficient in the major issues which regarded the traditional powers of the world. Later on Canada began to establish some forms of credibility as they were fighting for a common good of the world’s nations and not just their allies. Recently since the year 1995 the role that Canada plays in the united nations peacekeeping efforts has significantly dropped, a large part of this was as a result of UN military missions through NATO as opposed to strictly just the UN. Due to this the role that this country has played in peacekeeping missions has decreased significantly compared to what it used to be.
Downey, Michael. “Canada’s ‘Genocide’: Thousands Taken from Their Homes Need Help.” Acting on Words: An Integrated Rhetoric, Research Guide, Reader, and Handbook. Ed. David Brundage, Michael Lahey. Toronto: Pearson Canada Inc., 2012. 445-448. Print.
This journal discusses how Canada has gone from being a peacekeeping nation to a peace building nation ever since the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 by the Americans. This journal article talks about Canada’s role as a middle power in the world and the responsibilities that come with said power. It also discusses the relations with NATO and how it has changed Canadian foreign policy from peacekeeping that existed in the late 1900s to peace building, along with discussing the similarities and differences between the two.
Greenfield, Daniel M. "Crime of Complicity in Genocide: How the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and Yugoslavia Got It Wrong, and Why It Matters." The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 98.3 (2008): 921-24. HeinOnline. Web. 18 Apr. 2011.
The genocides of the 20th century which occurred in Rwanda and Germany had striking similarities, something that should have alerted the world to stop them. At the core of these two massacres, patterns existed that outlined how similar thinking and reasoning could lead to something as horrible as these two events. One can see how both groups used their command of knowledge as a way to control the people, how the rest of the world refused to step up to stop the killings, and how the people were thought of as less than humans to provide a just cause for such terrible acts.
The Rwandan Genocide was a terrible event in history caused by a constantly weakening relationship between two groups of people. The country of Rwanda is located in Africa and consists of multiple groups of people. Majority of Rwanda is Hutu, while a smaller amount of people are Tutsis. The genocide started due to multiple events that really stretched the relationship between the two groups to its end. One of the starting factors was at the end of World War 1. Rwanda was a German colony but then was given to Belgium “who favored the minority Tutsis over the Hutus, exacerbated[exacerbating] the tendency of the few to oppress the many”(History.com). This created a feeling of anger towards the Tutsis, because they had much more power then Hutus.
Percival, Valerie, and Thomas Homer-Dixon. "Getting Rwanda wrong. (genocide in Rwanda)." Saturday Night. v110. n7 (Sept 1995): p47(3). Opposing Viewpoints Resource Center. Gale. K12 Trial Site. 12 Apr. 2010 .
“Beginning on April 6, 1994, Hutus began slaughtering the Tutsis in the African country of Rwanda. As the brutal killings continued, the world stood idly by and just watched the slaughter. Lasting 100 days, the Rwanda genocide left approximately 800,000 Tutsis and Hutu sympathizers dead” (Rosenberg 1). When Rwanda’s President, Habyrimana, was killed in a plane crash, turmoil and massacres began. A series of events escalated violence until two ethic groups were engaged in bloody battle: The Hutus and the Tutsis. Throughout the Rwandan Genocide, the Tutsis were targeted because the death of President Habyrimana and problems in social and economic life was blamed in them, thus resulting in the 100-day genocide.
Baldauf, S. (2009). Why the US didn't intervene in the Rwandan genocide. [online] Retrieved from: http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Africa/2009/0407/p06s14-woaf.html [Accessed: 21 Feb 2014].