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Historical perspectives essay
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The historiography of Reconstruction often failed to acknowledge contributions made by black leaders. During the latter part of the twentieth century historians began to re-evaluate Reconstruction in the southern states to include progress of African-Americans. In “Local Black Leaders during Reconstruction in Virginia,” Richard Lowe examines southern communities and black leaders after the Civil War. He concentrates the essay on re-examining historians’ negative impact of black reconstruction and argues black leaders faced a heavy burden to ensure political advancement in the aftermath of war. In comparison, Barry Crouch’s “Unmanacling” Texas Reconstruction; A Twenty Year Perspective,” also examines reconstruction historiography and support …show more content…
Lowe’s assertion pertaining to the success made by blacks in the years following the war. Both Crouch and Lowe agree much of Reconstruction history is one-sided and tends to downplay the contributions made by black leaders. Whether in Texas, Virginia or any other southern state, Reconstruction was standardized in a version which withstood the test of time. Lowe and Crouch analyzed the historiography of the Freedmen’s Bureau, government policies, and military influences that focused on the success of reconstruction and the significant contributions made by African-Americans. Crouch acknowledged three phases of Reconstruction.
First, the Dunning which stressed Reconstruction as a southern misfortune. Second, the revisionist argument analyzing Reconstruction success and contributions made by black southern communities. Finally, the post-revisionist that stressed the conservation of nation and state programs enacted after the Civil War. He argues little change has occurred in the writing of Reconstruction in almost one-hundred years. However, by the 1960s historians began to analyze new material that forced a re-evaluation of Texas Reconstruction historiography especially the Texas occupation army and the Freedmen’s Bureau. Crouch offers information on both sides, for example, William L. Richter believed the occupational army created problems because of the psychological and cultural impacts they placed upon the citizens in Texas. Whereas, Robert W. Shook argues there were so few troops in Texas that they had very little impact on Reconstruction …show more content…
policies. Lowe on the other hand analyzes the Freedmen Bureau reports that identified local black leaders. He used the reports requested by assistant commissioner for Virginia, Orlando Brown as a tool to establish a profile of the black leaders during the Reconstruction era. The lists showed the literacy, occupation and residence which demonstrated their ability to hold a political office. The list also showed those black leaders considered “dangerous” radicals by the white minded conservatives. Studying the Freedmen Reports of black leaders during Reconstruction in Virginia proved the leadership skills many possessed during Reconstruction. Some of the men listed in the reports went on to serve in the State General Assembly. While others served in various county offices and city councils. Even though, political success did not appears in large numbers for many blacks’ advancements prior, during and after Reconstruction were evident in the reports. Although most men faced resistance that prevented them from reaching full potential, they still provided leadership to the black communities. Black leaders produced results beyond the political arena in areas such as educational and economic projects. Furthermore, Lowe’s essay follows the revisionist argument by re-examining black leaders who progress failed to be recognized in past historical writings of Reconstruction.
For example, perception of many former slaves assumed they were illiterate, however, revisionist historians have demonstrated a large portion of postwar black leaders did have some level of education. Through census reports and the Freedmen reports revisionist have proven many black leaders were not only educated, they held respectable jobs and paid taxes. In Lowe’s examination of Virginia reconstruction, he analyzes literacy, skin color (mixed race) and whether freedom came before or after the Civil War to determine if these factors contributed to black progress. The evidence proved black leaders elected to the Virginia convention of 1867-68 were literate, of mixed race and freed before the
war. In comparison, both historians examine key figures of black Reconstruction. Lowe presents his essay supporting a revisionist theory, whereas Crouch examines historians who have re-evaluated Reconstruction history and used the revisionist argument to support the impact of black leaders. In addition, both essays examine political figures previously failing to be recognized through other methods of historical works. In other words, history of the Southern states tended to omit any activities of Radicals. For example, Crouch discusses the neglected black groups that comprised the Republican Party. He acknowledges very little is known about the state and county black leaders in Texas simple because they did not advance to major political positions. In conclusion, the essays are very similar in presenting the need for further studies into black influences during Reconstruction. Both Lowe and Crouch use numerous sources and remain unbiased while presenting an argument which favors essays and books to be written about black leaders and their progress, before, during and after Reconstruction. They have established a need to expand written history of Reconstruction to include a deeper examination of contribution made by black leaders. In addition, both historians supported the contributions made by the southern black communities during an era which struggled to recognize a new class of American citizen. As stated by Lowe, historians have always been interested in the black leaders of Reconstruction. However, early writers dismissed their achievements because they were viewed by society as uneducated and worthless, which contributed to a negative estimation of black Reconstruction. By debunking the previous historiography, modern historians were able to re-write black reconstruction and give credit to the men who influenced change in a difficult era of history.
Reconstruction was a nasty period in History. Reconstruction took place after the civil war. In the civil war there was lots of devastation. Buildings and houses were being destroyed so people needed something called Reconstruction. Reconstruction was something people really needed after the civil war because they needed to rebuild a community. Some people didn't want reconstruction because they liked destruction. Then also after the civil war slavery was abolished, as well some people don't like that either. South killed Reconstruction because South resistance had KKK, and South was murdering people.
Over the course of five chapters, the author uses a number of sources, both primary and secondary, to show how the National Negro Congress employed numerous political strategies, and allying itself with multiple organizations and groups across the country to implement a nationwide grassroots effort for taking down Jim Crow laws. Even though the National Negro Congress was unsuccessful in ending Jim Crow, it was this movement that would aide in eventually leading to its end years later.
Although it wasn’t the main reason reason Reconstruction ended, northern neglect was still a significant problem. “...in the 1870s, Northern voters grew indifferent to events in the South. Weary of the ‘Negro question and ‘sick of carpet-bag’ government, many Northern voters shifted their attention to such national concerns as the Panic of 1873 and corruption in Grant’s administration….” (Harper’s weekly Doc C) If we want to know as much information as possible about how the North lost interest in Reconstruction we must understand the
In the book Storm Over Texas, by Joel H. Silbey the critical controversy of North vs. South is displayed. The book goes into great detail of the wild moments leading into the Civil War, the political dysfunction that ran throughout Texas, and many reasons the American Civil War sparked up in the first place. This book truly captives great Texas history and has valid information and points of our states different point of views on history.
The role of the Freedmen Bureau in African-American development during the Reconstruction era has been a polarizing topic since the Bureau’s inception. While most concur that the Bureau was well intended, some scholars, believe that the Freedmen’s Bureau was detrimental to African-American development. One such scholar was W.E.B. Dubois, who in his book The Souls of Black Folk, expressed his discontent with the actions of the Bureau and suggested that the Bureau did more harm than good. Upon further probing, research refutes the position that the Freedmen’s Bureau was chiefly detrimental to Black development. While far from flawless in its pursuits to assist the newly freed Negroes, the actions of the Freedmen’s Bureau did not impede African-American progress; instead, these actions facilitated African-American development.
Imagine a historian, author of an award-winning dissertation and several books. He is an experienced lecturer and respected scholar; he is at the forefront of his field. His research methodology sets the bar for other academicians. He is so highly esteemed, in fact, that an article he has prepared is to be presented to and discussed by the United States’ oldest and largest society of professional historians. These are precisely the circumstances in which Ulrich B. Phillips wrote his 1928 essay, “The Central Theme of Southern History.” In this treatise he set forth a thesis which on its face is not revolutionary: that the cause behind which the South stood unified was not slavery, as such, but white supremacy. Over the course of fourteen elegantly written pages, Phillips advances his thesis with evidence from a variety of primary sources gleaned from his years of research. All of his reasoning and experience add weight to his distillation of Southern history into this one fairly simple idea, an idea so deceptively simple that it invites further study.
During the time period of 1860 and 1877 many major changes occurred. From the beginning of the civil war to the fall of the reconstruction, the United States changed dramatically. Nearly one hundred years after the Declaration of Independence which declared all men equal, many social and constitutional alterations were necessary to protect the rights of all people, no matter their race. These social and constitutional developments that were made during 1860 to 1877 were so drastic it could be called a revolution.
People attending schools before 1960’s were learning about certain “unscrupulous carpetbaggers”, “traitorous scalawags”, and the “Radical Republicans”(223). According to the historians before the event of 1960’s revision, these people are the reason that the “white community of South banded together to overthrow these “black” governments and restore home rule”(223). While this might have been true if it was not for the fact that the “carpetbaggers were former Union soldiers”, “Scalawags… emerged as “Old Line” Whig Unionists”(227). Eric Foner wrote the lines in his thesis “The New View of Reconstruction” to show us how completely of target the historians before the 1960’s revision were in their beliefs.
Although former slaves were allowed to attend schools, some whites believed that they were not as capable of learning as the white man. Robert E. Lee, in an interview before Joint Committee on Reconstruction (Doc. B) answered a question on the black mans capability to learn. He stated, “I do not think that he is as capable of acquiring knowledge as the white man is”. But, long denied the right to learn, many African-Americans, both young and old, took advantage of teachers willing to set up schools to teach former slaves.
Marable, Manning. Race, Reform, and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction and Beyond in Black America, 1945-2006. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2007.
America has gone through many hardships and struggles since coming together as a nation involving war and changes in the political system. Many highly regarded leaders in America have come bestowing their own ideas and foundation to provide a better life for “Americans”, but no other war or political change is more infamous than the civil war and reconstruction. Reconstruction started in 1865 and ended in 1877 and still to date one of the most debated issues in American history on whether reconstruction was a failure or success as well as a contest over the memory, meaning, and ending of the war. According to, “Major Problems in American History” David W. Blight of Yale University and Steven Hahn of the University of Pennsylvania take different stances on the meaning of reconstruction, and what caused its demise. David W. Blight argues that reconstruction was a conflict between two solely significant, but incompatible objectives that “vied” for attention both reconciliation and emancipation. On the other hand Steven Hahn argues that former slaves and confederates were willing and prepared to fight for what they believed in “reflecting a long tradition of southern violence that had previously undergirded slavery” Hahn also believes that reconstruction ended when the North grew tired of the 16 year freedom conflict. Although many people are unsure, Hahn’s arguments presents a more favorable appeal from support from his argument oppose to Blight. The inevitable end of reconstruction was the North pulling federal troops from the south allowing white rule to reign again and proving time travel exist as freed Africans in the south again had their civil, political, and economical position oppressed.
Du Bois examines the years immediately following the Civil War and, in particular, the Freedmen's Bureau's role in Reconstruction. He feels the Bureau's failures were due not only to Southern opposition and "national neglect," but also to mismanagement and courts that were biased. The Bureau did have successes, and there most important contribution to the progress was the founding of school for African American. Since the end of Reconstruction in 1876, Du Bois claims that the most significant event in African American history has been the coming about of the educator, Booker T. Washington. He then became the spokesman for the ...
The quote above is from the British governor of Virginia, Lord Dunmore who proclaimed freedom for African American slaves who fought for the British, after George Washington announced there would be no additional recruitment of Blacks in the Continental army in 1776. For numerous free blacks and enslaved blacks, the Revolutionary War was considered to be an essential period in black manifestation. Many public officials (like Dunmore), who initially had not expressed their views on slavery, saw the importance of African Americans and considered them an imperative tool in winning the war. Looking back, it almost seems like an inherent paradox in white America’s desire of emancipation from England while there still enslaving blacks. This concept has different grounds in white’s idea of liberation in comparison to that of the African-Americans. To white Americans, this war was for liberation in a political/economical tone rather than in the sense of the privatized oppression that blacks suffered from. But what started this war and what would this mean for blacks? How did these African Americans contribute to the war effort? What were there some of their duties? How did the white communities perceive them? How did it all end for these blacks? The main topic of this paper is to show how the use African Americans helped the control the outcome of the war while monitoring their contributions.
Perman Michael, Amy Murrell Taylor. Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction. Boston: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2011.
In the 20th century, Greensboro, North Carolina was recognized for its “progressive outlooks, especially in industrial development, education and race relations” (4). As a progressive city, Greensboro allowed its blacks some educational and intellectual freedom. For example, individuals like Nell Coley and Vance Chavis openly announced their participation in the NAACP and advocated blacks to register for voting (24). This open exchange of ideas gave blacks a sense of power and ultimately led to gatherings with an agenda. At these gatherings, blacks began to demand: better job opportunities, decent housing, and quality equipment for schools (9). The ability for blacks to speak freely on their opinions is an example of progressive mystique, and the philosophy of hospitability to new ideas. As a result of this freedom, Greensboro’s blacks woul...