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Racial inequality in the united states
4th amendment exceptions
Racial inequality in the united states
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Two case rulings have helped fuel the incarceration rate among African Americans, Terry v. Ohio and Whren v. United States. The Terry v. Ohio case in 1968 presents serious questions regarding the role of the Fourth Amendment in the confrontation between citizens and the police officers when investigating suspicious circumstances on the street. The Supreme Court ruled that the practice of stopping and searching a citizen without a warrant or probable cause based on a reasonable suspicion that they are involved in criminal activity was authorized. This practice is known as the Terry Stop and is a nationwide police practice that has caused numerous legal problems for police departments and young Black citizens. Continuing with the trend of African …show more content…
Some officers, while patrolling the neighborhood in an unmarked vehicle, noticed Whren sitting in a truck at a stop-sign for an usually long time. Suddenly, without signaling, Whren turned his truck and sped away. Observing this traffic violation, the officers stopped the truck. When they approached the vehicle the officers saw Whren holding plastic bags of crack cocaine. Whren was arrested on federal drug charges. The court ruled that this is not unconstitutional, and the officer’s motivations are irrelevant, as long as the police can demonstrate that they legitimately stopped the vehicle for violating a traffic law. According to Alexander “police officers use minor traffic violations as an excuse – a pretext – to search for drugs, even though there is not a shred of evidence suggesting the motorist is violating drug [trafficking] laws. This process of selectively targeting Black drivers on the basis of race led to significant nationwide racial profiling on the U.S. roads and earned the label of “Driving While …show more content…
At the end of 2015, over 6.8 million individuals were under correctional supervision, including probation or parole. African American males are disproportionately represented among incarcerated groups compared to White males. According to the U.S. Census Bureau , African Americans represent 13% of the United States population, but comprise nearly 40% of state or federal prisoners. The book The New Jim Crow Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander discusses race related issues African-American males in mass incarceration face in the United States. The book discusses how in 1982 President Reagan announced the War on Drugs. The government spending for fighting drug trafficking increased dramatically, while spending on drug treatment and prevention dramatically declined. Coincidently at the same time inner-city economies were collapsing as manufacturing jobs left the country and unemployment climbed. The main demographic of inner-city residents were minorities such as African-American and Hispanics. Crack cocaine began to quickly enter into American cities which caused violence to increase. In 1986 a new federal minimum sentence for crack cocaine distribution was enacted. Incarceration rates soared with about more than 2 million behind bars by 2000. The New Jim Crow also notes that in 2000, African Americans made up 80 to 90 percent of dmg offenders sent to prison in seven states.
The Tennessee v. Garner case impacted law enforcement agencies today by utilizing the Fourth Amendment right of not using deadly force to prevent a suspect from fleeing unless the officer is in imminent danger of their life. Consequently, before this was set into place, an officer had the right to use deadly force on a fleeing suspect by all means.” The first time the Court dealt with the use of force was in Tennessee v. Garner, in Garner, a police officer used deadly force despite being "reasonably sure" that the suspect was an unarmed teenager "of slight build" who was running away from him” (Gross,2016). Whereas, with Graham v. Conner case was surrounded around excessive force which also has an impact on law enforcement agencies in today’s society as well. “All claims that law enforcement officers have used excessive force deadly or not in the course of an arrest, investigatory stop, or other “seizure” of s free citizen should be analyzed under the Fourth Amendment and its “reasonableness” standard” (Doerner,2016).
Stop and Frisk is a procedure put into use by the New York Police Department that allows an officer to stop and search a “suspicious character” if they consider her or him to be. The NYPD don’t need a warrant, or see you commit a crime. Officers solely need to regard you as “suspicious” to violate your fourth amendment rights without consequences. Since its Beginning, New York City’s stop and frisk program has brought in much controversy originating from the excessive rate of arrest. While the argument that Stop and Frisk violates an individual’s fourth amendment rights of protection from unreasonable search and seizure could definitely be said, that argument it’s similar to the argument of discrimination. An unfair number of Hispanics and
While making any program in the criminal justice system “color-blind” is not an easy concept, many regulations can be enacted to help ensure equality when finding a precinct and performing a stop and frisk among NYC civilians. The new policy can include regulations that make it necessary to use a higher form of discretion when stoping a person. Such as attempting to overlook the persons race and focus more on where they are coming from, how they are acting, and/or who they are surrounding themselves with.
Racial profiling is the tactic of stopping someone because of the color of his or her skin and a fleeting suspicion that the person is engaging in criminal behavior (Meeks, p. 4-5). This practice can be conducted with routine traffic stops, or can be completely random based on the car that is driven, the number of people in the car and the race of the driver and passengers. The practice of racial profiling may seem more prevalent in today’s society, but in reality has been a part of American culture since the days of slavery. According to Tracey Maclin, a professor at the Boston University School of Law, racial profiling is an old concept. The historical roots “can be traced to a time in early American society when court officials permitted constables and ordinary citizens the right to ‘take up’ all black persons seen ‘gadding abroad’ without their master’s permission” (Meeks, p. 5). Although slavery is long since gone, the frequency in which racial profiling takes place remains the same. However, because of our advanced electronic media, this issue has been brought to the American public’s attention.
One of the biggest reason stop-and-frisk should be abolished is in hopes to decrease such blatant racial profiling that has been going on under the name of “stop-and-frisk”. In 2007, 55% of the people stopped in New York were blacks and 30% were Hispanic (“Update: Crime and Race”). When checked again in 2011 a total of 685,000 people were stopped by the police of that 685,000, 52.9% were African Americans, 33.7% were Latino, and 9.3% were white (“Racial Profiling”). There is a story of an innocent victim of the stop-and-frisk policy, a man by the name of Robert Taylor. Police in Torrance stopped the elderly man and claimed he fit the description of a suspect that was linked to a robbery. But there was one simple problem; Taylor is a light complexioned, tall, 60 year-old man and the suspect was believed to be a short, dark complexioned, stocky man in his thirties; nothing like Taylor at all (Hutchinson). His shows that the police do not always stop people based on the right reasons, they tend to stop people based on the color of thei...
They were of course stopped and police, assuming they were drug dealers, used a narcotics-trained police dog to search the car. The young men were then taken to jail and held until police were convinced that their car was clean of any contraband. To justify their ill treatment of the young men police issued a “warning” stating that the windshield was obstructed (because of a piece of string that was hanging down from the rearview mirror). Then, when the young men questioned the officer about the stop, he told them it was because they were black, with a nice car, driving through a high drug trafficking area (Rudovsky, 2001). Russell L. Jones states in his article, A More Perfect Nation: Ending Racial Profiling (Jones,
This essay will bring to light the problem of racial profiling in the police force and propose the eradication of any discrimination. The Fourth Amendment states “the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.” Despite this right, multiple minorities across the country suffer at the hands of police officers through racial profiling; the singling out of a person or persons as the main suspect of a crime based on their race. Many people have also suffered the loss of a loved one because police believed the suspect to be a threat based on their races therefore the officers use their authority to take out the “threat”. Although racial profiling may make sense to police officers in the line of duty, through the eyes of the public and those affected by police actions, it is a form a racism that is not being confronted and is allowing unjust convictions and deaths.
The pros of Terry v. Ohio case, is that the police officer was doing there job. They are trying to prevent crime from happening, and keeping the community safe. A example of that in this case would be, where the officer stopped and frisked the three men and then found out that there was weapons on two of them. The two of them were convicted of carrying a concealed weapon and sentenced to three years in jail. Think about it, what if the police officer did not do his job and did not stop and frisked them. Things may have been bad and get out of control. Overall, one of the cons that I can think of is; the search for weapons without probable cause is an unreasonable search but at the end, you could've argued with that, due to police officer safety.
These authors’ arguments are both well-articulated and comprehensive, addressing virtually every pertinent concept in the issue of explaining racially disparate arrest rates. In The Myth of a Racist Criminal Justice System, Wilbanks insists that racial discrimination in the criminal justice system is a fabrication, explaining the over-representation of African Americans in arrest numbers simply through higher incidence of crime. Walker, Spohn and DeLone’s The Color of Justice dissents that not only are African Americans not anywhere near the disproportionate level of crime that police statistics would indicate, they are also arrested more because they are policed discriminately. Walker, Spohn and DeLone addi...
According to statistics since the early 1970’s there has been a 500% increase in the number of people being incarcerated with an average total of 2.2 million people behind bars. The increase in rate of people being incarcerated has also brought about an increasingly disproportionate racial composition. The jails and prisons have a high rate of African Americans incarcerated with an average of 900,000 out of the 2.2 million incarcerateed being African American. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics 1 in 6 African American males has been incarcerated at some point in time as of the year 2001.
In the United States, the rate of incarceration has increased shockingly over the past few years. In 2008, it was said that one in 100 U.S. adults were behind bars, meaning more than 2.3 million people. Even more surprising than this high rate is the fact that African Americans have been disproportionately incarcerated, especially low-income and lowly educated blacks. This is racialized mass incarceration. There are a few reasons why racialized mass incarceration occurs and how it negatively affects poor black communities.
Because of its affordability, crack cocaine is often said to be found in urban, low-income communities. In the later years of the 1980’s, Congress passed the Anti-Drug Abuse Act. This law specified that conviction for possession or distribution of 5 grams of crack cocaine would mean a mandatory 5-year sentence with no parole (Clear, Cole, and Reisg 2013:88). Any greater amount than that and it would be considered a life sentence with no parole. This of course led to an increase of amount of incarcerations during the year of 1989. By the year 2008, about 20,000 prisoners were serving because of crack cocaine and about 82% of them were part of a minority group. Compared to the sentences of powder cocaine, it soon became clear that there was in fact a racial disparity and therefore a possible income disparity as
As we cruised around the community, he pointed out countless minor traffic violations, both moving and non-moving, but opted not to make any stops. At this point he stated his main concern was to spot any impaired drivers and get them off the road. Eventually, as we came up behind an older civic (the Civic had a broken brake light) on Centreville Road, the officer stated that he detected the scent of marijuana coming from the Civic. The driver of the Civic noticed Crutchman’s police cruiser behind him and dropped his speed to 5 mph under the posted limit. Officer Crutchman began tailing the vehicle which immediately turned off on the next available road. We proceeded to follow the Civic for a couple of miles. I could tell that Officer Crutchman wanted to make the stop, and I inquired why he hadn’t done so already on account of the Civic’s faulty brake light. He responded that he is cautious about making such stops because he does not want a “new law named after him” on account of the controversy surrounding pretextual stops. It is possible that this careful attitude has developed as a result of the rising public outcry against police and
Though the drug war is carried out in an officially colorblind way, race is a huge component. A statement by Alexander “In the drug war, the enemy is racially defined” (98). She agreed that the communities where people of color live are the ones most heavily policed; their young people are the ones stopped and frisked. The sentences given to black people are much more punitive than those given to whites, and they probably did not have a jury of their peers either. The statistics are utterly damning but people prefer to believe that black and brown people are just more prone to crime. Race and crime are now so linked in our heads that when asked to picture a criminal, most of those surveyed thought of a black person. Alexander claims that “Virtually
Most African Americans and Hispanics in certain part of the United States have been subject to some form of stop and frisk. Some stop and frisks are racially related and other are legit. For the ones that are not legit it seems that there is a particular ethic group that is the main focus of these stop and frisks, and they tend to be the African Americans. When we are stopped the term used with some LEOs and even non LEOs (regular citizens) is driving while black, especially if they are stopped on the highway (e.g., Lundman and Kaufman 2003 and Weitzer, 2000, Harris, 2002). Within this discussion, we will focus on stop and frisk, the distinction between the stop and the frisk, Terry v. Ohio, one or two examples where a stop and frisk would be justified, the length of time of the detention, could the subject be handcuffed during this stop, and the level of force that could be used to enforce the stop and frisk.