Stop-And-Frisk Theory

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The stop-and-frisk program, devised on the basis of the broken windows theory, seems to be a great solution to preventing and addressing crime in New York City. The broken windows theory is based on the concept that if one can detect and monitor smaller crimes, then larger, more serious crimes will be prevented (Hopkin). So why has this program with a goal of preventing larger scale crimes and promoting proactive policing caused so many controversial issues leading to lawsuits? By law and protected under the Fourth Amendment, in order to stop and search someone, the officer is required to have “reasonable suspicion that the person is committing, has committed or is about to commit a crime” (Rosenthal). However, many searches have begun with no reasonable suspicion and have ended with the officers coming up with a reason at a later time (Rosenthal). The main issue here, though, is not in the fact that they are searching people without reasonable suspicion as much as it is the type of person, specifically, that is being searched. After watching the documentary, The Scars of Stop-and-Frisk, which follows the story of an 18-year-old boy named Tyquan Brehon, I realized a major fault in this program. Many officers are structuring the basis of their search more on the color of one’s skin than having actual reasonable suspicion. Through examining racial profiling and the reasoning behind determining the perfect suspect, I will argue whether the stop-and-frisk program is creating its desired effects.
The most commonly known type of racism, interpersonal racism, finds its way into many aspects of our social structure and our society. Interpersonal racism can be defined as the racial domination that exists in every day life and is “found in...

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...nst them to the police” (Hunter). This is another unseen privilege given to white people. Since they are rarely the victims of unlawful stop-and-frisks, they are much more likely to have no reason not to trust the police and the thought of feeling safe and protected is a definite privilege.
This demonstrates that if these stop-and-frisks, which were designed to reduce larger crime, continue to occur, more constitutional rights will be broken resulting in damaging consequences. If this program remains as it is, interpersonal racism and racial profiling will resume, and the white privilege versus minority disadvantage gap has the potential to increase. The implications and desires for this program are on the right path. However, it needs to be restructured in a way that will emphasize the necessity of having true reasonable suspicion without regarding race entirely.

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