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20 th century changes in russia essay
Russia 1914-present
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The Russian Revolution, and subsequent civil war, was one of the most brutal and destructive power struggles in modern history. Recently, historians have started to reconsider the intent of the Bolsheviks leaders who led the revolution. Sheila Fitzpatrick, a respected modern Russian historian, formulates an argument that soon after the revolution started Vladimir Lenin and the Bolshevik Party led the revolution astray to benefit themselves. Much of the decisions the party undertook were once believed to be vehicles of the proletariat revolution, but Fitzpatrick contends that the Bolshevik Party was power hungry and used the popular uprising as an opportunity to claim power. In her book The Russian Revolution, Sheila Fitzpatrick displays how …show more content…
the Bolshevik Party was focused on power instead of ideology through its party ideals, its system of war communism, and its suppression of opposition and resistance. The Bolshevik Party was a very different party from the other Marxist and socialist parties in Russia during the early twentieth centuries.
As Fitzpatrick states, “Lenin differed from many other Russian Marxists in seeming actively to desire a proletarian revolution rather than simply predicting that one would ultimately occur.” Lenin was confident that a proletariat revolution would happen, but he believed it would need to have revolutionary leaders and would never happen organically. Consequently, Fitzpatrick asserts that Lenin “saw the party not only as the vanguard of proletarian revolution but also in a sense as its creator.” In a sense, revolutionary leaders forming the party core sounds like a great way to mobilize a revolution, but Fitzpatrick shows how the limited party membership offers a bleak foreshadow into the future of the revolution. Despite making a proletariat revolution more likely, the Bolshevik Vanguard Party became a center for corruption and power hunger. Thus, Sheila Fitzpatrick indicates that Lenin’s party structure and the party’s ideals foreshadow the Bolshevik’s future missteps and focus on maintaining …show more content…
power. Once the Bolshevik party is examined, Fitzpatrick begins to display how the policies of War Communism defy the ideological tenets the Bolsheviks were founded upon. Unfortunately, the Bolsheviks found out that their beliefs did not always align with the most practical approaches to maintain order in the country. Hence, the Bolsheviks started to forsake the proletariat workers who were supposed to be the backbone of the revolution. Fitzpatrick declares the Bolshevik handling of factories to be one of the most dramatic shifts away from the original Bolshevik ideology. Marxist philosophy would dictate worker control of the factories, but Fitzpatrick indicates that Bolsheviks preferred appointed leaders, which contradicts the party’s decree of “workers’ control” in 1917. Ultimately, War Communism led to, “Some factories continued to be run by elected workers’ committees. Others were run by an appointed director…) The shift from worker leadership to party control of factories exhibits a monumental transformation of Bolshevik beliefs. Regardless of if party control of the factories helped keep the country functioning, the Bolshevik abandonment of worker control demonstrates a crucial example of the Bolshevik’s deviating away from their ideology of workers’ advancement, to the ideology of power maintenance of the party. Another critical policy of War Communism was the forcible procurements of food and grain from the peasant class.
Realistically, the Bolsheviks needed to get food for their citizens and the Red Army, but the method they chose to collect food was a terrible approach. Fitzpatrick asserts, “The Bolsheviks adopted a policy of grain requisitioning, sending workers’ and soldiers’ brigades—usually armed, and if possible provided with goods for barter—to get the hoarded grain out of peasants’ barns.” Perhaps the most intriguing part of the requisitioning is the lack of regular repayment to the peasants. With the policy of grain requisitioning, the Bolsheviks display the behavior of a government that has little regard for the well-being of their citizens and that is focused on defending its
power. In addition to grain requisitioning, the Bolsheviks alienated the peasant population by trying to mobilize poorer peasants against more well-off peasants. Fitzpatrick articulates that the Bolsheviks, “began to organize village Committees of the Poor, and encouraged them to cooperate with Soviet authorities in extracting grain from the barns of richer peasants.” Albeit, the concept of poorer groups revolting against richer groups sounds Marxist, the policy failed dramatically because there wasn’t a huge divide between the peasant groups. Furthermore, Fitzpatrick explains that peasants were far more likely to obtain their own land, rather than manipulate the lives of richer peasants. Overall, Bolshevik policy toward the peasants was generally focused on advancing the party rather than strengthening the populist, which violates the founding tenets of any Marxist regime
In Reflections of a Russian Statesman, Konstantin Pobedonostsev starts off his discussion by describing democracy as a system that is built on falsehood. He notes that the most fictitious principle of democracy is this idea that the power lies at the hands of the majority. Instead, he believes the concept of popular sovereignty is merely an illusion created by a delegation of leaders that in reality, “are in no way restricted by the opinions of their constituents, but are guided by their own views and considerations…” (RORS 4). This claim is Pobedonostsev’s attempt to show that a democratic state is disguised under the phrase “the will of the people” but instead is ruled by the interests of a minority that consists of a body of elected representatives such as Parliament. To advance his arguments, Pobedonostsev refers to countries that have incorporated the parliamentary system and how its members have failed to satisfy any of their promises. In theory, they care about public welfare, but in practice they formulate lies to get elected and gain personal wealth and fame. To Pobedonostsev, Parliament is a despotic entity that fools people into believing in a fantasy where “the representative as such, surrenders his personality, and serves as the embodiment of the will and opinions of his constituents” (RORS 5). Lenin, however, disagrees with Pobedonostsev’s criticisms of democratic representation. His revolutionary scheme, which involves the proletariat takeover of the bourgeoisie state, consists of a small private unit of party leaders executing the socialist policies that the larger public unit of workers’ demand. In the excerpt What is to be Done?, Lenin labels these two distinguished committees as the Organization of Revolutionists and the Organization of Workers. Unlike Pobedonostsev who thinks a
In February of 1917 a group of female factory workers and led a revolt in which the Tsar was dethroned, only to be replaced by a provisionary government composed of the Russian elite. When this government did not live up to its promises of an end to Russian involvement in World War I, the Bolsheviks (“majority”), a revolutionary movement led by Vladimir Lenin, overthrew the provisionary government in what bacame known as the October revolution.
In order to establish whether Lenin did, indeed lay the foundation for Stalinism, two questions need to be answered; what were Lenin’s plans for the future of Russia and what exactly gave rise to Stalinism? Official Soviet historians of the time at which Stalin was in power would have argued that each one answers the other. Similarly, Western historians saw Lenin as an important figure in the establishment of Stalin’s socialist state. This can be partly attributed to the prevailing current of pro-Stalin anti-Hitler sentiments amongst westerners until the outbreak of the cold war.
The first five-year plan, approved in 1929, proposed that state and collective farms provide 15 percent of agriculture output. The predominance of private farming seemed assured, as many farmers resisted collectivization. By late 1929, Stalin moved abruptly to break peasant resistance and secure the resources required for industrialization. He saw that voluntary collectivism had failed, and many “Soviet economists doubted that the first plan could even be implimented.”1 Stalin may have viewed collectivization as a means to win support from younger party leaders, rather than from the peasants and Lenin’s men. “Privately he advocated, industrializing the country with the help of internal accumulation” 2 Once the peasantry had been split, Stalin believed that the rural proletarians would embrace collectivization . Before this idea had a chance to work, a grain shortage induced the Politburo to support Stalin’s sudden decision for immediate, massive collectivization.
1) Adams, Arthur E. The Russian Revolution and Bolshevik Victory: Why and How? Boston: D.C. Heath and Company, 1960.
Lenin believed that true revolutionaries should be members of the ‘elite’ a secret group of individuals organizing and planning behind the scenes. By having an elitist group of revolutionaries, Lenin believed that the revolution itself would be highly centralized, allowing for order and control amongst a smaller more confined group. Despite the strategic organizational advantage of confining power to the top, secluding power to the elite is and was a recipe for a totalitarian regime. In hindsight the idea of a totalitarianism undermined lenin's reason for revolution in the first place. The whole point of the Bolshevik revolution was to empower and give equal
In the Manifesto of the Communist Party, what communism is is discussed; this writing attempts to enlighten the world about what communism ideals are. The communist party is pro-proletariat and wants what is best, in their eyes, for the working class people. “The essential condition for the existence and rule of the bourgeois class is the accumulation of wealth in private hands, the formation of capital; the essential condition of capital is wage-labour” (Marx, p. 135). According to Marx and Engels, the reason the bourgeois class exists is because of the labor from the proletariat class; without the capital produced from the proletariat the bourgeois class would not be as successful as they are. “The Communists are no separate party distinct from other working people” (Marx, p. 135). It is being argued that the Communist party is made up of working class people who are tired of their rights being trampled on and want to do something about it. This shows a connection to the proletariat and the Communist party is more likely to gain support by utilizing this approach.
The Bolshevik Party’s power was based on the support of the Russian proletariat. Its ideology was based on Marx’s theory of the stage development of modern society- from feudalism to capitalism to socialism and finally to capitalism. The Bolsheviks believed that all power should belong with the Soviets. Soviets were made up of workers and peasants organizations whose party membership ( members were diverse from Independents to Mensheviks to Socialist Revolutionaries to Bolsheviks) was less important than the fact that they were the body that represented the proletariat and the peasantry’s needs in the USSR. They were elected by their co-workers in order to best politically represent the community and its needs. This was to create a clear power hierarchy that was based on the Marxist theory of the worker government.
The Russian revolution of February 1917 was a momentous event in the course of Russian history. The causes of the revolution were very critical and even today historians debate on what was the primary cause of the revolution. The revolution began in Petrograd as “a workers’ revolt” in response to bread shortages. It removed Russia from the war and brought about the transformation of the Russian Empire into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic, replacing Russia’s monarchy with the world’s first Communist state. The revolution opened the door for Russia to fully enter the industrial age. Before 1917, Russia was a mostly agrarian nation. The Russian working class had been for many years fed up with the ways they had to live and work and it was only a matter of time before they had to take a stand. Peasants worked many hours for low wages and no land, which caused many families to lose their lives. Some would argue that World War I led to the intense downfall of Russia, while others believe that the main cause was the peasant unrest because of harsh living conditions. Although World War I cost Russia many resources and much land, the primary cause of the Russian Revolution was the peasant unrest due to living conditions because even before the war began in Russia there were outbreaks from peasants due to the lack of food and land that were only going to get worse with time.
...was alone, Lenin’s leadership that enabled the Bolsheviks to seize power in November 1917. On the other hand, if we consolidate the facts we have covered in the essay we can identify key points that were capitalised on by Lenin such as the weakness of the provisional government and using his influence to motivate the Bolshevik Central Committee, we cannot deny that these were some of the more crucial factors regarding the Bolshevik seizure of power and without them a November Revolution may not have happened. A result of that would be a legitimate leadership within Russia and the Bolsheviks would then be seen as the aggressors. Concluding this we can make the decision that it was not Lenin alone who was the reason for the success of the Bolshevik coup rather an overall period of instability within the Russian leadership and the Bolsheviks offered an alternative.
Wood, A. (1986). The Russian Revolution. Seminar Studies in History. (2) Longman, p 1-98. ISBSN 0582355591, 9780582355590
Marx’s belief in the inevitability of the proletariat revolution stems from his understanding of society and conception of the social structure. He posits th...
Inspired by the works of Karl Marx, V.I. Lenin nonetheless drew his ideology from many other great 19th century philosophers. However, Marx’s “Communist Manifesto” was immensely important to the success of Russia under Leninist rule as it started a new era in history. Viewed as taboo in a capitalist society, Karl Marx started a movement that would permanently change the history of the entire world. Also, around this time, the Populist promoted a doctrine of social and economic equality, although weak in its ideology and method, overall. Lenin was also inspired by the anarchists who sought revolution as an ultimate means to the end of old regimes, in the hope of a new, better society. To his core, a revolutionary, V.I. Lenin was driven to evoke the class struggle that would ultimately transform Russia into a Socialist powerhouse. Through following primarily in the footsteps of Karl Marx, Lenin was to a lesser extent inspired by the Populists, the Anarchists, and the Social Democrats.
According to most historians, “history is told by the victors”, which would explain why most people equate communism with Vladimir Lenin. He was the backbone of Russia’s communist revolution, and the first leader of history’s largest communist government. It is not known, or discussed by most, that Lenin made many reforms to the original ideals possessed by many communists during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. He revised Karl Marx and Friedrich Engles’ theories to fit the so-called ‘backwardness’ of the Russian Empire. Lenin’s reforms were necessary to carry out a socialist revolution in Russia, and the contributions he made drastically changed the course of history. It can be assumed that, the Soviet Union would not have been as powerful if it was not for Lenin’s initial advocacy of violence and tight organization.
Exploring the October revolution and the establishment of communism, Richard Pipes concludes that the origin of communism can be traced back to the distant past in Russia’s history. Pipes states that Russia had entered a period of crisis after the governments of the 19th century undertook a limited attempt at capitalisation, not trying to change the underlying patrimonial structures of Russian society. (Pipes, 1964)