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Nonviolent movements and social change
Chapter 18; social movement and social change
Nonviolent movements and social change
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Some theorists view social interactions as an exchange of objective and subjective power (Benford & Hunt, 1992, p. 3), with social movements being created for the purpose of restructuring an imbalance in social, political, and economic power, or the way in which such power is used (Lukes 1974, pp. 24-5). The dramaturgy theory agrees that the focus of a social movement is the amendment or transformation of power relations, and goes even farther by suggesting that leaders of said movements are responsible for developing new and alternate possibilities for current power relations, and must persuade members that they are capable of generating change (Benford & Hunt, 1992, pp. 3-6). Thus, the effectiveness, quality, and sustainability of …show more content…
7). Stephen finds these grassroots movements to be motivated by issues of survival that are related to: domestic power inequalities such as lack of personal reproductive choices, domestic violence, and lack autonomy; economic power inequalities resulting in the inability to secure appropriate food, money, housing, land, and medical care; and social power inequalities such as physical and sexual abuse by authorities, sexism within the movements and unions, and active social exclusion of by the community. Yet, the researcher notes that by participating in grassroots social movements, these women grew in self-confidence, personal awareness, and became increasingly independent (Stephen, 1997, p. 114-122). Thus, the women represented by this author exemplify the aforementioned transformation of self, moving from a powerless person who is acted upon by external forces, to one who uses power to actively shape the
Existing within the movement must be a leader or leaders, as well as a large number of committed followers or members. Additionally, social movements have “organizations or coalitions” working as a guiding backbone for collectivity and regulation (Stewart,
First to understand why this story is critical to empowering women who wished to remain tied to their domestic roots, we need to look at the limitations imposed upon their resistance. Within the public sphere women had the option of peaceful protest which allowed for them to sway the political system that had oppressed them for so long. Unfortunately public protest could not change the oppression that took place in the private sphere of domesticity. We can see in the story that Mother has no intere...
Sometimes, in order to have justice in this world, violent actions need to be taken to be able to get a point across and fight for what is fundamentally right. In today’s society, feminism is viewed as a non-violent way of having the social, political, and economic equality of the sexes. However, it was not always like that. In order to have the level of equality modern societies have today, daring and sometimes violent things took place. A case in point being the Suffragette movement in the early 20th century. Over the years, the Suffragettes faced many challenges and winning feats such as being granted their right to vote federally, but their actions and the actions taken by one of their most successful groundbreakers, Thérèse Casgrain, are the reason why women can now be treated equally in Canadian society.
The narrow view of the world that we often experience prevents us from even engaging for or against ideals that we would take on, given the chance. We often become deaf to opportunity, however. While it may seem we are complicit in many of the injustices that our society perpetuates, often times we are not even aware of the issue. An uninformed decision will be as bad as no decision. Many problems exude from the state of our social values. The role that women play in society is slowly changing from that of a ‘nurturer’ to any role a woman strives for. Progress has come through much pain and the hope is one day there will be real equality in the results of our societies spoken and unspoken laws.
2) Utilizing Glasberg and Shannon, Chapter 1 Introduction, and the works of Karl Marx explain to the reader the structures of oppression, in reference to power, politics and the state? Utilize the concepts of patriarch, racism and heteronormativity.
Among the many subjects covered in this book are the three classes of oppression: gender, race and class in addition to the ways in which they intersect. As well as the importance of the movement being all-inclusive, advocating the idea that feminism is in fact for everybody. The author also touches upon education, parenting and violence. She begins her book with her key argument, stating that feminist theory and the movement are mainly led by high class white women who disregarded the circumstances of underprivileged non-white women.
In today’s world, social inequality seems to be so apparent that the issue cannot escape anyone’s radar. The ways men and women are treated in their society have become so different and possibly full of prejudiced intentions that feminism emerged to establish and protect what women truly deserve in our society. But in the midst of all the movements and agendas of the feminists, one group of people are left vulnerable to the struggles and rejections they have to face yet unable to protest due to society’s expectations of them being strong, confident, and dependable. This group consists of the other half of the human population, men. It is not always easy, as it may seem to be, to live as a man.
A growing population of women’s activists can be attributed to the growing number of courses being offered and information available. Only a few decades ago this would not have been heard of. It is due to the increasing amount of awareness on the topic of women’s status as second class citizens that activism has increased. Through various media, we have learned of topics such as the “glass ceiling”, the working conditions of women in Third World countries, the current injustices against women being carried out in the First World, reproductive rights, as written about by Angle Davis, and other limitations imposed on women.
Some theorists believe that ‘power is everywhere: not because it embraces everything, but because it comes from everywhere… power is not an institution, nor a structure, nor possession. It is the name we give to a complex strategic situation in a particular society. (Foucault, 1990: 93) This is because power is present in each individual and in every relationship. It is defined as the ability of a group to get another group to take some form of desired action, usually by consensual power and sometimes by force. (Holmes, Hughes &Julian, 2007) There have been a number of differing views on ‘power over’ the many years in which it has been studied. Theorist such as Anthony Gidden in his works on structuration theory attempts to integrate basic structural analyses and agency-centred traditions. According to this, people are free to act, but they must also use and replicate fundamental structures of power by and through their own actions. Power is wielded and maintained by how one ‘makes a difference’ and based on their decisions and actions, if one fails to exercise power, that is to ‘make a difference’ then power is lost. (Giddens: 1984: 14) However, more recent theorists have revisited older conceptions including the power one has over another and within the decision-making processes, and power, as the ability to set specific, wanted agendas. To put it simply, power is the ability to get others to do something they wouldn’t otherwise do. In the political arena, therefore, power is the ability to make or influence decisions that other people are bound by.
Researchers classify social movements according to the type of change they seek (Aberle, 1966, Cameron, 1966, Blumer, 1969, as cited in Macionis, 2007). According to John Macionis, a social movement is when people commonly band together to create an organized activity that encourages or discourages social change (Macionis, 2008). In the case of this radical society, Hippies were typically ...
Although by the 1960s women were responsible for one-third of the work force, despite the propaganda surrounding the movement women were still urged to “go back home.” However the movement continued to burn on, and was redeveloping a new attitude by the 1970s. The movement was headed by a new generation that was younger and more educated in politics and social actions. These young women not only challenged the gender role expectations, but drove the feminist agenda that pursued to free women from oppression and male authority and redistribute power and social good among the sexes (Baumgardner and Richards, 2000). In just a few decades, the Women’s Liberation Movement has changed typical gender roles that once were never challenged or questioned.
Throughout history, women have remained subordinate to men. Subjected to the patriarchal system that favored male perspectives, women struggled against having considerably less freedom, rights, and having the burdens society placed on them that had so ingrained the culture. This is the standpoint the feminists took, and for almost 160 years they have been challenging the “unjust distribution of power in all human relations” starting with the struggle for equality between men and women, and linking that to “struggles for social, racial, political, environmental, and economic justice”(Besel 530 and 531). Feminism, as a complex movement with many different branches, has and will continue to be incredibly influential in changing lives. Feminist political ideology focuses on understanding and changing political philosophies for the betterment of women.
The New Feminist Movement of 1968 became also accessible [at least partly] to women in developing countries, where they suffered an exploitation of societies usually characterized by high levels of male power . In this regard, here I would like to recall the words on a protest banner written by some black women,
Through organising territorially in their own personal spheres of everyday life. This feminisation of resistance is evident here through the participation and leadership of women, but more so in the acknowledgement of care work as valuable and necessary. They demonstrate that through “women’s bodily presence in street demonstrations during strategic protests and other political events makes it more difficult to deny that politics is indeed a woman’s place” (Sutton, 2007:
West, Candace, and Sarah Fenstermaker. Doing Gender, Doing Difference: Social Inequality, Power and Resistance. New York; London: Routledge, 2002.