Wait a second!
More handpicked essays just for you.
More handpicked essays just for you.
Slavery and freedom: the american paradox
Slavery and freedom: the american paradox
Government during the enlightenment
Don’t take our word for it - see why 10 million students trust us with their essay needs.
Recommended: Slavery and freedom: the american paradox
Power – here defined as the capacity or ability to direct or influence the behaviour of others of courses of events – is relative. The forms that it takes and the way in which it is exercised has been constantly shifting and altering for centuries. This essay will focus particularly on forms of state power and the use of violence since the fall of feudalism and the prevalence of absolute sovereignty in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, through the process of modernity through to the present post-9/11 age. Over history, power has dispersed and become less evident; from being centralised in sole sovereigns with unlimited power over subjects, the bureaucratisation and democratisation of states and spread liberal concepts of freedom and …show more content…
Here, the king was appointed by divine right and had executive, legislative, and judicial powers solely vested in him, while the working and peasant classes were ruthlessly exploited and taxed by the crown and nobility. In association with the church, the sovereign controlled every aspect of the lives of the proletariat. By wielding such power and control over their lives, the sovereign created an ideology and false consciousness that conflicts with contractualists such as Locke, who claim that consent by the populace is needed for legitimate government. If the ideology perpetuated by the sovereign and the church provides only one point of view that is widely accepted by the proletariat, therefore creating a false consciousness and ideology that perpetuates the superiority of absolute monarchies and states, then there is little opportunity for the proletariat to give actual consent to this form of government, provided with no other option. Consent to power was similarly illegitimate because of the threat of violence posed by the absolute pre-modern sovereign. Power was far more evident and blatant, clearly demonstrated in the treatment of bodies under these monarchs. Before the seventeenth century, public torture was used as to demonstrate the power of the sovereign, with no mediator between sovereign and subject. The power relationship could be blatantly direct – the sovereign could touch and enact violence on the subject, with no regulation or restriction. Arendt argues that violence is a sign of diminished power and is inherently instrumental; in pre-modernity, though the use of violence may have masked the unsteady foundation of divine-right sovereignty, it was a tool that both showcased the power of the sovereign and forced consent
Consequently, throughout history there has been many corrupt governments, authoritarian regimes, controlling monarchies and volatile dictators that prove Locke’s principles that once the populace feels there life is being disregarded the majority will organize and revoke the oppressors’ system in the name of freedom. For instance, our founding fathers rejected England’s right to tax therefore they declared their freedoms in writing and once ignored they simply rebelled. As we know the colonies were successful and now we live in the great nation known as, “United States of America.” In Haiti, th...
John Locke, an English philosophe, like many other philosophes of his time worked to improve society by advocating for the individual rights of people. John Locke strongly believed in more rights for the people and was against oppression. In his book, Second Treatise on Civil Government, Locke stated, “(W)e must consider, what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose [manage] of their possessions . . .” (Document A). Locke means every man is naturally equal, no one was created better and he has certain guaranteed rights. This helps society because it would deny a monarch to strip a person of their guaranteed rights and it would make the monarch less powerful and his/her power would be given to the people. The greatest change to government Locke states as necessary, “(W)hen the government is dissolved [ended], the people are at liberty to provide themselves, by erecting a new legislative [lawma...
Power can be defined as the ability to influence or outright control the behavior of people. A variety of different things can drive power, including both knowledge and experience. Power in most cases is needed to establish authority. In today’s country, the United States government has a lot of power. It has so much power that even American citizens are beginning to complain about it. Having all this power and authority has allowed the government to make decisions quicker. However, by making decisions faster, some mistakes can be made and innocent people can be convicted. This point is directly exemplified when using two New Yorker articles, “Surviving Solitary” and ‘A Shot to The Heart.” Both articles consist of results produced quite
Review this essay John Locke – Second treatise, of civil government 1. First of all, John Locke reminds the reader from where the right of political power comes from. He expands the idea by saying, “we must consider what estate all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons as they think fit.” Locke believes in equality among all people. Since every creature on earth was created by God, no one has advantages over another.
...a political society works. He states, "Every man being, as has been showed, naturally free, and nothing being able to put him into subjection to any earthly power, but only his consent;" Locke is affirming the influence of the individual by stating that every man is naturally free but he uses the phrase "subjection to any earthly power" to describe that freedom. Though not explicit in this instance, he is subtly implying that men are not free from divine subjection. In other parts of his work he says that natural law is the law of God. So while Locke's system of governance does not mirror the architecture of religious systems of power, he ultimately fortifies the idea that religious frameworks were immensely important in early-modern Europe by framing his argument through a religious lens as well as implying that political society relies on God as the supreme power.
Hobbes, an aristocrat who lived through the English civil war, had to flee England, watch his monarch’s execution, and observes the violence of human nature at its very worst. Given this experience, his central concern was the need for absolute power to maintain peace and prevent another civil war. On the other hand, John Locke lived and wrote forty years later, after the Glorious Revolution. His ideas developed in the context of a period in which individual’s rights and power were emphasized. He believed that individuals needed freedom from control to reach their full potential. Hobbes became an advocate for absolutism--the belief that because humans are naturally power seeking, a sovereign is needed to maintain peace, and the individual must completely submit to that power. In contrast, Locke advocated constitutionalism, the belief that all individuals have inherit rights, government should be based on consensus, and citizens must fight for their liberty in the face of an overpowering government. These philosophers and their ideas outlined the debate about where power should lie in society–with the individual or with the state.
Locke and Rousseau present themselves as two very distinct thinkers. They both use similar terms, but conceptualize them differently to fulfill very different purposes. As such, one ought not be surprised that the two theorists do not understand liberty in the same way. Locke discusses liberty on an individual scale, with personal freedom being guaranteed by laws and institutions created in civil society. By comparison, Rousseau’s conception portrays liberty as an affair of the entire political community, and is best captured by the notion of self-rule. The distinctions, but also the similarities between Locke and Rousseau’s conceptions can be clarified by examining the role of liberty in each theorist’s proposed state of nature and civil society, the concepts with which each theorist associates liberty, and the means of ensuring and safeguarding liberty that each theorist devises.
In consideration of how power functioned in both the Crucible and the Holocaust, a tend of how an individual can use power to control, influence, benefit themselves, and also protect themselves from attacks can be seen. Human Nature compels us to gain power because of want, but once we have the power we will inherently use it to influence others because of the need of the individual to have their ideas agreed with. Power can either make a leader great or make a whole society or movement corrupt. Lessons can be learned about how to effectively use power to properly initiate change and make a positive impact on the world.
What John Locke was concerned about was the lack of limitations on the sovereign authority. During Locke’s time the world was surrounded by the monarch’s constitutional violations of liberty toward the end of the seventeenth century. He believed that people in their natural state enjoy certain natural, inalienable rights, particularly those to life, liberty and property. Locke described a kind of social contract whereby any number of people, who are able to abide by the majority rule, unanimously unite to affect their common purposes. The...
Pierre Bourdieu was a highly influential theorist. He provides a unique and fascinating definition or understanding of power as well as an explanation and analysis into how power works. This work serves to outline what is this specific concept of power means and contains, how it is created, what are the various forms it takes on and in general, how power works. Power is a difficult concept to define conclusively or definitively however, Bourdieu explains power to be a symbolic construct that is perpetuated through every day actions and behaviours of a society, that manipulate power relations to create, maintain and force the conforming of peoples to the given habitus of that society (Bourdieu, 1977). Power, is a force created through the social conventions of a specific community that dictate what is expected or accepted by the people while also determining how they understand the world in which they live (Bourdieu, 1977).
They are not only its inert or consenting target; they are always also the elements of its articulation” (Foucault, “Two Lectures” 34). Power may take various forms, all of which are employed and exercised by individualsand unto individuals in the institutions of society. In all institutions, there is political and judicial power, as certain individuals claim the right to give orders, establish rules, and so forth as well as the right to punish and award. For example, in school, the professor not only teaches, but also dictates, evaluates, as well as punishes and rewards.
In Locke’s Treatise, the social contract binds citizens to a government which is responsible to its citizenry. If the government fails to represent the interest of its citizens, its citizens have the right and obligation to overthrow it. By contrast, Hobbes’ Leviathan refers to people as subject rather than as citizens, indicating an absence of a reciprocal relationship between the ruler and the ruled. Absolute arbitrary government invests all rights in the sovereign.
Some theorists believe that ‘power is everywhere: not because it embraces everything, but because it comes from everywhere… power is not an institution, nor a structure, nor possession. It is the name we give to a complex strategic situation in a particular society. (Foucault, 1990: 93) This is because power is present in each individual and in every relationship. It is defined as the ability of a group to get another group to take some form of desired action, usually by consensual power and sometimes by force. (Holmes, Hughes &Julian, 2007) There have been a number of differing views on ‘power over’ the many years in which it has been studied. Theorist such as Anthony Gidden in his works on structuration theory attempts to integrate basic structural analyses and agency-centred traditions. According to this, people are free to act, but they must also use and replicate fundamental structures of power by and through their own actions. Power is wielded and maintained by how one ‘makes a difference’ and based on their decisions and actions, if one fails to exercise power, that is to ‘make a difference’ then power is lost. (Giddens: 1984: 14) However, more recent theorists have revisited older conceptions including the power one has over another and within the decision-making processes, and power, as the ability to set specific, wanted agendas. To put it simply, power is the ability to get others to do something they wouldn’t otherwise do. In the political arena, therefore, power is the ability to make or influence decisions that other people are bound by.
In order to answer the question concerning the formation of states, it is necessary to clarify what constitutes a state; the Oxford English Dictionary defines a state as ‘a nation or territory considered as an organized political community under one government’. There are a number of ways and processes in which to analyse what state formation is, why they have formed and the way in which this has occurred. State emergence can be traced back to the creation of territorial boundaries in medieval Europe, such as the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, and its transition to a modern state can be attributed to the introduction of gunpowder in war (Hague & Harrop, 2010: 64). The formations of states have also been influenced by the growth of bureaucracy, administration and organisations. There are different theories as to the reason why states form, a certain few of which can be divided into the categories of rationalist, culturalist and structuralist perspectives. In this essay, these perspectives shall enter the debate in trying to justify the reason for state formation and the way in which it occurs. The most prominent feature in the formation of states appears to be the prevention and engagement of a state in war and its following consequences.
...their power willingly. Violence must be utilized to achieve freedom, to pry it from the hands of those that hold it and give it to those that seek it.