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Cosmopolitanism vs communitarianism
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The intention of this essay is to put forth the idea of which membership in a political community does encompass prioritised moral obligations to its members. This essay will begin in the first section by exploring into the concept of political communities and the obligations which are attached to such an association. The second section will present the argument of which anti-cosmopolitans or communitarians believe that such prioritisation should be duly accorded to the members of a political community, above and beyond that of outsiders from this political communities. The third section will address the flipside of the argument of which cosmopolitans believe that all humans are equal, and there should be no prioritisation of moral duties in its efforts to envisage a global governance in its effort to emphasize on universality and equality. The fourth section will explore more on the tensions between general and associative duties, to make an assessment on whether it is possible to simultaneously fulfil both obligations through the lens of a moderate cosmopolitanism.
Section 1: Political Communities and their Obligations
This section will seek to explain the key aspects which form the basis of the main argument. The main focus on the essay looks into a political community which is a collective arrangement between individuals that is intrinsically linked by a political relationship that encompasses rights and duties to all its members, it is through such membership that privileges and obligations are formed and are usually demarcated by political boundaries which draws a clear line between members and outsiders (Munoz 2012: 57). The virtue of membership to a political community is closely linked to the construct of the state and ...
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Theories of global distributive justice address the following sorts of questions. Should we feel morally concerned about the large gap between the developing countries and the developed countries? What duty do us citizens have to provide assistance to the global poor? And what scale should we take the duties to?
Each day, billions of people throughout the world affirm their commitment to a specific idea; to be part of a society. While this social contract is often overlooked by most citizens, their agreement to it nevertheless has far-reaching consequences. Being a member of society entails relinquishing self-autonomy to a higher authority, whose aim should be to promote the overall good of the populace. While making this decision to become part of a commonwealth is usually performed without explicit deliberation, there is a common consensus amongst philosophers that something unique to the human experience is the driving force behind this decision. Contained within this something are highly contested points of debate amongst both past and contemporary political philosophers. Two such philosophers are Thomas Hobbes and Thomas Aquinas. Each of these political writers provide detailed arguments regarding the concept of natural law, the role that reason plays in this law, whether some laws are considered truly rational, and why some people choose not to follow certain principles even when they recognize them to be rational. By analyzing each of these arguments, we will arrive at the conclusion that even though the rational principles that reason provides us can easily be disregarded by the populace, that we can still find a common good within promulgating rational doctrine.
Mearsheimer J. J. (2010). Structural Realism. International Relations Thoeries, Discipline and Diversity (Second Edition), p.77-94
Rousseau’s political theory revolves around a central idea that in order to deal with moral or political inequality (“social” inequality), man must move out of the state of nature and establish a social contract, “a form of association which defends and protects… the person and goods of each associate, and by the means of which each one, while uniting with all, nevertheless obeys only himself and remains as free as before” (Rousseau 432). Although Rousseau’s plan pledges to protect individual liberty, the plan rests on the legislation of the “general will” and the successful unity of a “body politic,” both of which are vaguely defined and become too concerned with state interest.
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When looking at normative theories of politics, the main distinction is between cosmopolitanism and communitarianism. In this essay the term community shall refer to political communities, or more specifically, states. It is important to note that these political communities have been defined territorially, and not necessarily by culture, although this is taken for granted to an extent by communitarianism. Communitarians say that each community is different, and therefore should act accordingly with each other. In other words, state autonomy should be absolute and law and moral standards should be self-determined by the community itself alone. Furthermore, communities should have no obligations to other political communities or any sort of international law. Contrastingly, Cosmopolitans say that there should be an overriding universal moral standard to which all states (or communities) should adhere. If a state is infringing on the rights of the individual or humanity, then intervention is appropriate and just. (Steve Smith, The Globalisation of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations p. 173A)
Baylis, Smith and Patricia Owens. 2014. The globalization of World Politics: An introduction to international relations. London. Oxford University Press.
Vic, G. and Wilding, P. (2002) Globalisation and Human Welfare,2nd ed. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, p.1-150.
The author states his thesis as “the central, or most fundamental, question of political philosophy is the question of political obligation”. The question of political obligation has always been the center of discussion. Why would anyone consent to be governed by the state? This question has been supported with the centrality thesis. This question can not be ignored since it has to do with the everyday lives of human beings. However, modern political philosophers have not dealt with supporting arguments towards the thesis. They have also failed to provided a sound critique against it. With the help of other modern philosophers, the author gives himself great authority to aid the reader with his own arguments for the thesis.
Frank, Barney (1999), “The Correct Approach to Globalization,” Congressional Record, [http://apcentral.collegeboard.com/apc/public/repository/ap05_comp_govpol_glob_42253.pdf], accessed 17 May 2012.